6. Member Debate under Standing Order 11.21(iv): Young people and employment cy

Diolch, Lywydd. Rwy'n croesawu'r ddadl bwysig hon ac yn diolch i'r Aelod dros Gaerdydd Ffynnon Taf am ei chyflwyno. Meddyliwch am ferch 19 oed yn y Rhyl a adawodd yr ysgol dair blynedd yn ôl ac sydd heb weithio ers hynny. Mae'r ymchwil ar yr hyn sy'n digwydd nesaf yn glir. Heb gymorth, gall y person ifanc yma gario craith gyflog rhwng 10 y cant a 15 y cant, sydd yn dal i'w gweld pan yn 42 oed, yn ddyfnach fyth ar ôl pob cyfnod pellach mas o waith. O ran dim ond yr allbwn economaidd, mae eithrio un person ifanc yn costio tua £100,000 gydol oes i'r gymdeithas gyfan. Yng Nghymru, fel rŷn ni wedi ei glywed, rŷn ni'n amcangyfrif bod tua 50,000 o bobl ifanc rhwng 16 a 24 oed sydd ddim mewn addysg, cyflogaeth na hyfforddiant. Mae hynny'n fethiant cymdeithasol ac yn un economaidd: 50,000 dyfodol yn culhau, a Chymru gyfan yn ysgwyddo'r gost. Dylem fod yn fanwl gywir pwy ydyn nhw, gan fod y diagnosis yn penderfynu beth yw'r driniaeth. Dydyn nhw ddim yn un grŵp. Mae tua thraean yn ddi-waith yn yr ystyr gonfensiynol, yn chwilio am waith ond yn methu â dod o hyd iddo. Mae tua dwy ran o dair yn economaidd anweithgar, ddim yn chwilio am waith neu ddim yn gallu ei wneud, ac yma mae afiechyd, yn anad dim afiechyd meddwl, wedi dod yn un o'r gyrwyr sy'n tyfu gyflymaf. Y rhai a adawodd addysg gynharaf yw'r rhai mwyaf tebygol o aros ar wahân i’r farchnad lafur hiraf. Bydd system a adeiladwyd ar gyfer y rhai sydd yn ceisio gwaith yn unig yn parhau i golli'r grŵp mwy. Bydd system wedi'i hadeiladu o amgylch rhwystrau iechyd yn unig yn colli'r gweddill. Ac oherwydd bod y ffordd yn agor neu yn cau cyn i berson ifanc gyrraedd y farchnad lafur, mae ysgolion a cholegau yn rhan o'r ateb hefyd. Felly, mae angen ateb cyfansawdd sydd yn mynd i'r afael â'r holl ffactorau yma.

Official English translation

Thank you, Llywydd. I welcome this important debate, and I thank the Member for Caerdydd Ffynnon Taf for bringing it forward. Think of a 19-year-old young woman in Rhyl who left school three years ago and who hasn't worked since. The research on what happens next is clear. Without support, that young person can carry a wage scar of 10 per cent to 15 per cent, which is still visible at the age of 42, running deeper after each further period spent out of work. In terms of just the economic output, the exclusion of one young person costs about £100,000 over a lifetime to the entire society. In Wales, we estimate that about 50,000 young people aged between 16 and 24 are not in education, employment or training. That is a social failure and an economic failure, too: 50,000 futures narrowed, with the whole of Wales bearing the cost. We should be precise about who these people are, because the diagnosis determines what the treatment should be. They are not from a single group. Around a third are unemployed in the conventional sense, looking for work but unable to find it. Around two thirds are economically inactive, not looking for work or unable to work. And in this context, illness, and above all mental illness, has become one of the fastest growing drivers. Those who left education the earliest are the most likely to remain disengaged from the labour market the longest. A system built only for jobseekers will continue to miss the larger group. A system built only around health barriers will miss the remainder. And because the routes open or close before a young person reaches the labour market, schools and colleges are part of the solution too. So, we need a comprehensive solution that tackles all of these factors.

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6. Member Debate under Standing Order 11.21(iv): Young people and employment en

It is right that, at the beginning of this new administration and this new Senedd, we ask some hard questions of the system we've inherited. This Government took office with spending on employability support marginally higher per head than other parts of the UK, and with the proportion of young people who are NEET rising sharply on the most recent survey data. So, higher spending in Wales, yet more young people currently adrift. I don't think anybody in the Siambr would find that acceptable, and the Government doesn't either. One of the key questions for me is how long after disengaging does the system first reach a young person. Actually, is it the system that's disengaged from them, rather than the young people from the system? I've asked my officials to establish that number precisely. In designing any policy, of course investment matters, but as the Member for Caerdydd Ffynnon Taf said, outcomes matter more. The measure of success is not the number of job starts or the people on a programme that we can count, but whether a young person is still in good work or learning six months on, and 12 months on. And that's the standard I want applied to every programme in my portfolio. The young person's guarantee was designed by the previous administration. Governments change but the commitment to young people should not and does not. Under this Government, under this Minister, I want it to grow even stronger. That's why we're proud to support the motion today. No young person in Wales should be left without a route into education, training or work. Our task is not to do less for young people, it's to do better by them, and doing better also demands honesty. Existing policies—UK and Welsh alike—under Governments of every colour have not been sufficient to the task. We need better. We're not starting from a blank sheet of paper. Some of the most promising results internationally come from approaches that join up employment and health support together, and from guarantees that put a firm time limit on how long a young person waits for an offer. When I meet with Alan Milburn soon, I will discuss these ideas and how we can work as two Governments together. I want to work as a Minister with everyone in this Chamber, and with the cross-party group on youth employment—there's no monopoly on good ideas—and I want our work to be evidence led. I have to say that I haven't seen any convincing evidence myself that immigration is a major contributory factor for youth unemployment. We do know some things about what works, and we can draw upon the experience of the New Deal for the unemployed, 25 years ago—one of the most successful interventions ever in terms of active labour market policy. We know that tens of thousands of young people are outside work and learning now, while Welsh employers still report vacancies they struggle to fill. What that tells me is that this isn't only about job preparation; it's structural. It's no good if a job exists but you never hear about it, or you haven't heard about the young person's guarantee, or you can't afford the bus to reach it, or the bus route doesn't even exist to help you get there. Support on its own is not enough because you cannot train a young person into a job that does not exist. So, you need work on the demand side as well as on the supply side. The work of our new development agency in helping to scale Welsh firms, in building the sectors of the future, and in helping some of our traditional sectors like tourism and food and drink to provide those first jobs, is critical. And we will be asking more of employers. To echo the point that was made by one of the Members here, Governments can do so much, but Governments on their own cannot do everything, and in creating first jobs, we need employers to do more as well. There's a harder challenge that has been on the horizon and has now arrived. Artificial intelligence, on the early evidence, is not abolishing occupations, but it is stripping out the routine tasks from which entry levels were traditionally built in administration, in customer service, in junior professional work. If firms do not redesign the first rung, it will simply disappear. Our responsibility as a Government is to help make sure that technological change expands opportunity rather than narrows it, and we need the skills system to enable us to do that. Our support right across Government must answer the labour market of tomorrow, not the one of 10 or 15 years ago. None of this works if a young person cannot find the way in. Too often, we ask the young people that are furthest away from the labour market to navigate the most fragmented part of our public services. Trusted relationships help a young person back into the system: youth services, councils, employers, colleges, trade unions, community organisations. Our job is to make those connections simpler and stronger so that no young person has to tell their story twice. Llywydd, fair work gives more than a wage; it gives purpose, routine, a place amongst others, community. We'll keep testing what works. We'll ground that in the evidence and the lived experience of young people. We'll be honest about what does not. We'll change course where the evidence demands it. Our focus will be relentlessly on outcomes, not just activity, and the test of everything is simple: whether we reach that 19-year-old in Rhyl sooner, offer them something worth taking, and build a first rung that holds. Diolch.

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10. Short Debate: Improving access to local economic opportunities in Casnewydd Islwyn cy

Ddirprwy Lywydd, hoffwn ddiolch i'r Aelod dros Gasnewydd Islwyn am ddod â'r ddadl hon gerbron, y ddadl olaf yn ystod y sesiwn yma, ac ar bwnc mor bwysig. Dwi'n ddiolchgar hefyd am y cyfraniadau gan Aelodau eraill. Mae hon yn drafodaeth werthfawr, nid yn unig am ddyfodol economaidd un etholaeth, ond am y rôl ehangach y gall de-ddwyrain Cymru ei chwarae wrth sicrhau ffyniant i Gymru gyfan. Mae'r etholaeth yma'n unigryw. Mewn un daith fer, gallwch fynd o Gaerllion, lle cadwai Rhufain ei llengoedd, drwy Gasnewydd, dinas y Siartwyr, ac i fyny'r cwm, drwy Risga, Trecelyn ac Abercarn, i'r Coed-duon—cymunedau a gododd diwydiant Cymru â'u dwylo eu hunain. Ychydig iawn o etholaethau sy'n dal cymaint o hanes Cymru mewn cyn lleied o filltiroedd, ac ychydig iawn sy'n dal cymaint o'i dyfodol: gweithgynhyrchu uwch, arloesedd sydd yn arwain y byd, gwasanaethau cyhoeddus cryf, gweithwyr medrus, diwydiannau digidol sydd yn tyfu, a sefydliadau addysgol arbennig. Pan fyddwn yn siarad am dwf economaidd, nid maint y twf yw'r unig beth sy'n cyfrif; y cwestiwn go iawn yw a yw'r twf hwnnw yn codi safonau byw, yn creu swyddi gwell eu cyflog ac yn cryfhau cymunedau. Dyna pam mae'r Llywodraeth hon wedi gosod amcan uchelgeisiol iddi hi ei hun ac i Gymru i haneru'r bwlch cynhyrchiant rhwng Cymru a'r Deyrnas Unedig. Dydy 'cynhyrchiant' ddim yn air sy'n cynhesu’r galon, efallai. Hyd y gwn i, does neb erioed wedi ysgrifennu cerdd amdano—hyd yma, efallai. Talwrn y Beirdd nesaf, efallai. Rwyf wedi chwilio. Ond mae ei arwyddocâd yn syml ac yn drawiadol, onid yw e? Economïau mwy cynhyrchiol sy'n talu cyflogau uwch, yn denu mwy o fuddsoddiad ac yn creu mwy o gyfleoedd i genedlaethau'r dyfodol. Os ydyn ni o ddifri ynglŷn â ffyniant Cymru gyfan, yn enwedig yn y cymunedau hynny sydd wedi teimlo'n rhy aml eu bod nhw wedi cael eu hanwybyddu, mae'n rhaid i ni fynd i'r afael â chynhyrchiant Cymru. Nid jargon mohono; cyflog dydd Gwener yw e yn y pen draw, cynhaliaeth teuluoedd a chymunedau.

Official English translation

Dirprwy Lywydd, I would like to thank the Member for Casnewydd Islwyn for bringing this debate before us this afternoon, the final debate of this session, on such an important topic. I'm also grateful for the contributions from other Members. This is a valuable debate, not only about the economic future of one constituency, but about the broader role that the south-east of Wales can play in ensuring prosperity for the whole of Wales. This constituency is unique. In one brief journey, you can go from Caerleon, where the Roman legion dwelt, through Newport, the city of the Chartists, and up the valley, through Risca, Newbridge and Abercarn, to Blackwood—communities that built Welsh industry with their own hands. There are very few constituencies that capture so much of Welsh history in so few miles, and there are few that hold so much of its future: advanced manufacturing, world-leading innovation, public services that are strong, a skilled workforce, digital industries that are growing, and excellent educational institutions. When we talk about economic growth, it's not the scale of the growth that matters alone; the real question is whether that growth actually increases living standards, creates better paid jobs and strengthens communities. That's why this Government has set an ambitious objective for itself and for Wales to halve the productivity gap between Wales and the UK. 'Productivity' isn't a word that warms the cockles of one's heart, perhaps. As far as I know, nobody's written a poem about it—to date, at least. Perhaps at the next Talwrn y Beirdd, we will see that. But its significance is simple and striking. More productive economies pay higher salaries, they attract more investment and create greater opportunities for future generations. If we are serious about the prosperity of the whole of Wales, particularly in those communities that have too often felt that they have been ignored, then we must tackle Welsh productivity. It's not jargon; it's a salary on a Friday, ultimately, it is sustenance for families and for communities.

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10. Short Debate: Improving access to local economic opportunities in Casnewydd Islwyn en

The good news is that Casnewydd Islwyn already holds many of the key ingredients for Wales's economic success. Start with Newport—a city with a habit of arriving early at the future. In 1839, thousands marched down Stow Hill to demand a vote a generation or more before the rest of Britain caught up with them. Newport is early again today. It has become one of Wales's most important economic centres. It is home, as we've heard, to globally significant semiconductor and advanced manufacturing businesses. The modern world runs on slivers of silicon thinner than a human hair—in our phones, our hospitals, our electric vehicles, in our artificial intelligence—and a remarkable share of that capability globally sits within a few miles of the communities we are discussing this afternoon. Isn't that an exciting thing to say? We were at the heart of an industrial revolution in the past and we are there, right at the centre, at the leading edge today. The growth of the semiconductor cluster in south-east Wales settles an old argument. Wales can compete internationally in high-value, knowledge-intensive industries. Not in theory, but in practice, now. These are precisely the sectors that drive productivity and create the highly skilled, well-paid jobs our communities deserve. Alongside that industrial strength stands another major asset, the University of South Wales and its Newport campus, of course. A university is not simply a place young people pass through for three years. As an anchor institution, it is part of the economic machinery of the region. Its work in engineering, digital technology, cyber security, business innovation and workforce development helps ensure that local employers can find the skills they need. It provides a vital bridge between research, innovation and commercial opportunity. If Wales is to attract and keep high-value industries, institutions like this one will be central to the mission. The same is true for Coleg Gwent and further education. FE and higher education together, working as a regional version of the team Wales approach, is going to be so central to our economic success.

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10. Short Debate: Improving access to local economic opportunities in Casnewydd Islwyn en

Newport's strengths reach well beyond manufacturing and higher education. This is now the city where the United Kingdom counts itself and registers its ideas. The Office for National Statistics keeps the nation's numbers—this nation, and the one next door, and the one up north as well. The Intellectual Property Office guards its inventions here. There's something quietly satisfying about a city that for too long has been undercounted, I think, in the national story, being the place that does the counting in so many contexts. More practically, perhaps, these organisations have made Newport a hub for highly skilled employment, drawing talented people into the city and creating room for the private sector to grow around them. Add excellent connectivity through the M4 corridor, the rail network, which we are seeking to build out and build upon, and access to wider regional markets, and Newport has become a nexus, a driver of economic activity, not just for itself, but for the wider region and for the nation as a whole. The same is true of the Valleys communities that give this constituency its unique character. When Victorian engineers wanted to build the tallest railway viaduct in Britain, where did they choose but Crumlin? Blackwood, Newbridge, Risca and Abercarn carry a proud industrial heritage and a workforce with deep experience in engineering, manufacturing and the skilled trades. These communities built the Welsh economy once, but they're not museum pieces; they have an equally important part to play in building the next Welsh economy too. Now, our challenge is to make sure that investment reaches every part of Wales and every part of this constituency, and, as you've said, that local people can reach the opportunities being created. That means investing in skills, creating, as the Deputy Minister is now doing, and fashioning a skills system that actually delivers the needs of our employers, but crucially as well allows our young people to achieve their true potential, backing local businesses, improving transport, digital connectivity, enabling people to find quality work close to home. It also means learning from our own history, and few places teach the lesson better than this constituency. For generations, coal came down these valleys to be burned at Uskmouth and exported out of the port, and too much of the wealth it created went elsewhere. For too long, Wales has hosted energy projects without keeping enough of the value they generate. That must now be reversed. If Welsh land, wind, water and sea bed create wealth, the people of Wales should see more of the value of it. The energy story of Casnewydd Islwyn is already turning. At Uskmouth, the old coal-fired power station is being transformed into one of the largest battery storage hubs in the United Kingdom, storing clean power on the very site that once burned Valleys coal. Beside the steelworks at Llanwern sits one of the largest solar developments in Britain. The uplands above the Sirhowy and Ebbw valleys have the wind, and beneath them, the flooded workings of the old collieries hold warm water that mine water schemes elsewhere are already putting into homes. Even our newest industries point the same way, because a semiconductor cluster is a hungry customer for clean, reliable, affordable power. So, the question for this constituency and for Cymru, for Wales as a whole, is no longer whether the energy transition will happen here, it's who will own it, who will drive it and who will benefit from it. That's the question my work on behalf of the Government on a national energy strategy is designed to answer, and we will explore the levers we can use in Wales to build a strategy that benefits the people of Wales and Casnewydd Islwyn economically and socially, to ensure that we maximise that prize. The strategy will set an ambitious yet reachable energy target, including targets for local community and Welsh public-owned energy. The Basques have done it. Iberdrola, a Basque company, is one of the biggest giants across Europe now, because they designed their manufacturing system, but also their energy system, around ensuring that the benefit was kept. We can do that in Wales as well. I think crucial to this, of course—. Private development and private capital, in any economy, will always play a central role, and we want to attract that capital to invest in Wales to enable us to achieve our potential, but we cannot do it alone through private development. That's why developing our own public energy company, as I said, but also co-ordinating across the different parts of Government, across the different organisations—that's going to be essential to ensuring that we achieve the potential in Casnewydd Islwyn and across Wales. That's why the creation of a new national development agency matters so much. On this very point about the confusing landscape that we have at the moment, we want to actually have a single front door. If I am a business owner or an investor or a founder and I want to know where to go, then we need to simplify and streamline that, because we want to work faster and further with those companies to ensure that we maximise the opportunity, not just for them, but for Wales as a whole. Our vision of a development agency reflects our determination to be more ambitious, more strategic, more proactive. It will work to attract inward investment, but crucially as well develop our own businesses to scale up, to strengthen local and regional economies and deliver the high-value jobs that we need. Crucially, we understand that there's an important role here for transport; it's not a separate issue from economic growth. That's why we're joined at the hip, myself and the Deputy Minister for Transport, because infrastructure is a key part of how we deliver socially and economically for our nation, and for every part of our nation. The south-east Wales regional transport plan gives us a platform to connect communities in Casnewydd Islwyn and across the wider region. We're building further on that plan. We have an ambitious vision in terms of how transport can contribute to ensuring that we have the potential there.

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10. Short Debate: Improving access to local economic opportunities in Casnewydd Islwyn cy

Mae metro de Cymru yn ganolog i'r uchelgais honno o hyd. Rhaid iddo olygu gwell cysylltiadau rhwng trenau, bysiau a chyfnewidfeydd, a rhwng y rheini a phobl, wrth iddynt gerdded, olwynio a beicio, gan ei gwneud hi'n haws cyrraedd gwaith, hyfforddiant ac addysg, heb orfod dibynnu ar gar ar gyfer pob taith. I gymunedau Casnewydd Islwyn, mae'r prawf yn un syml: a yw'r buddsoddiad yn gwella mynediad go iawn at gyfleoedd ar draws Casnewydd Islwyn, ar draws rhanbarth ehangach y Cymoedd a phrifddinas-ranbarth Caerdydd, ac ar draws Cymru? Ddirprwy Lywydd, nid stori am botensial yn unig yw stori economaidd Casnewydd Islwyn. Mae eisoes yn lle o gryfderau sylweddol, capasiti gweithgynhyrchu uwch a gydnabyddir yn rhyngwladol, sydd ag economi ddigidol ac arloesedd sy'n tyfu, cyflogwyr mawr yn y sector cyhoeddus, prifysgol flaenllaw a chymunedau â thraddodiad balch o sgiliau, gwydnwch a menter. Mae'r cryfderau hynny'n sylfeini cadarn at y dyfodol. Wrth inni anelu at haneru'r bwlch cynhyrchiant rhwng Cymru a'r Deyrnas Unedig, adeiladu diwydiannau'r dyfodol a sefydlu asiantaeth ddatblygu newydd i ysgogi buddsoddiad a thwf, bydd etholaethau fel Casnewydd Islwyn yn ganolog i'n llwyddiant ni. Ac nid damwain yw bod yr etholaeth hon yn cario enw bardd—Islwyn. Mae yna thema yn fan hyn, onid oes? Y bardd Islwyn o Ynys-ddu yng nghwm Sirhywi a ddysgodd inni fod yr oll yn gysegredig. Roedd e'n iawn. Nid oes dim byd cyffredin am y cymunedau hyn, nac am eu pobl, nac am eu dyfodol, ac mae'r gwaith o adeiladu'r dyfodol hwnnw eisoes ar y gweill. Mae ein nod ni yn glir. Mae'r weledigaeth yn gyffrous. Rŷn ni'n gallu cymryd ysbrydoliaeth o'r rhagoriaeth rŷn ni'n ei weld, fel gwnes i ei weld pan oeddwn i'n mynd o gwmpas KLA a gweld dyfodol Cymru o fy mlaen i—pobl ifanc gyda sgiliau ar eu huchaf, a chwmni sydd wedi rhoi lawr gwreiddiau mewn clystyrau ehangach mewn meicrocosm o Gymru rŷn ni eisiau ei chreu. Diolch yn fawr.

Official English translation

The south Wales metro is central to that ambition still. It must mean better connectivity between trains, buses and exchanges, and between those and people, as they walk, cycle and scoot, making it easier to reach work, training and education, without having to rely on a car for every journey. For the communities of Casnewydd Islwyn, the test is simple: is the investment increasing real access to opportunities across Casnewydd Islwyn, across the wider region in the Valleys and the Cardiff capital region, and across Wales? Dirprwy Lywydd, the economic story of Casnewydd Islwyn isn't just a story of potential. It's already a place of significant strengths, higher manufacturing capacity that is internationally recognised, with a digital economy and innovation that is developing, major employers in the public sector, a prominent university and communities with a proud history of skills, resilience and enterprise. Those strengths are firm foundations for the future. As we aim towards halving that productivity gap between Wales and the UK, building the industries of the future and establishing a new development agency to encourage growth and investment, constituencies like Casnewydd Islwyn will be at the heart of our success. And it's no accident that this constituency carries the name of a poet—Islwyn. There is a theme developing here, isn't there? The poet Islwyn from Ynys-ddu in the Sirhowy valley taught us that all is sacred. He was right. There is nothing ordinary about these communities, or the people, or their future, and the work of building that future is already there. Our aim is clear. The vision is an exciting one. We can take inspiration from the excellence that we see, as I saw when I visited KLA and saw the future of Wales before my very eyes—young people with the highest level of skills, and a company that has laid down roots in broader clusters in a microcosm of the Wales that we want to create. Thank you.

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2026-07-14 2

Open this sitting on the stage

8. Legislative Consent Motion: Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill en

Lywydd, diolch yn fawr. I move the motion and recommend that the Senedd gives its consent to the relevant provisions in the Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill as set out in the legislative consent memorandum. Steel is no abstraction to Wales, it is in our bridges and our railways, in the turbines that will power our future and in the history of generations of families from Shotton to Llanwern, from Trostre to Cardiff. It's a strategic national asset, and a country that cannot make its own steel is a country living at the mercy of others. That is why this Bill matters. It builds on the UK Government's steel strategy and it provides the power to transfer the shares or property of a steel undertaking into public ownership where a public interest test is met: in simple terms, a safety net beneath an industry too important to lose. The need is real and urgent. Energy costs are among the highest in Europe, global overcapacity is squeezing prices, trade barriers are closing markets and the short-term cost of the transition to the low-carbon steel of the future weighs heavily on the industry of today. But I must also be honest with the Senedd: welcoming this Bill is a bittersweet experience. When the blast furnaces at Port Talbot hung in the balance in 2024, we were told by one Government in Westminster and then the next that nationalisation was not on the table. Roughly 2,600 people lost their livelihoods. A year later, when Scunthorpe's furnaces came under the same threat, Parliament was recalled on a Saturday to keep them burning. Suddenly, every option was on the table. That was the difference, and Wales felt it keenly. I deeply regret that the purpose at the heart of this legislation before us today was not embraced in time to save the blast furnaces at Port Talbot. The belief is wide and deep in Wales that our steel industry was not treated equally. We do not ask for preferential treatment for Wales, but we do expect to be treated with the same fairness and the same dignity. Even so, yesterday's regret must not stop us from protecting tomorrow. I welcome the fact that this tool will now be firmly in the toolbox for Wales, as for every other part of the United Kingdom. And let's also be clear about what this Bill does not do. It does not guarantee the future of the Welsh steel industry. No statute can do that. What it guarantees is that, if the hour of danger comes again, Government can act within days rather than despair for months, so long as these powers remain on the statute book where they're needed. We will oppose any attempt to let them quietly slip from it. A sunset clause on these powers contained in the Bill must never become the sunset of an industry. We also must be equally clear about something else: a safety net for one producer must not pull the floor from under the others. If British Steel in Scunthorpe is nationalised, a state-owned undertaking must not undermine the commercial position of 7 Steel or Tata Steel. A company relying on the public purse should not price below other producers, nor enjoy an unfair advantage in public procurement, nor draw investment and energy support away from Welsh sites. The Welsh Government will hold the UK Government to this principle at every stage. The Bill deals with both reserved and devolved matters, and it will affect all four nations of the United Kingdom. I told the UK Government clearly that the lack of time given to this Government and to the Senedd to scrutinise the Bill was unacceptable. Urgency is never an excuse for disregarding devolution. We did insist on clear commitments to protect Welsh interests and we secured important undertakings as a result, and I will return to them in closing. While there is currently no intention or need to use these powers in Wales, it is right that they exist, and it is the UK Government that holds the resources to act at this scale. Let's remind ourselves what is at stake. Once the electric arc furnace at Port Talbot is operational—the second largest anywhere in the world—nearly half of the UK's steel-making capacity will be here in Wales. The future of steel in these islands is a Welsh future. The Bill does not secure that future by itself, but it ensures that no Government can ever again claim that the means to defend it, if necessary, is missing. It's on this basis, clear-eyed and with our expectations on the record, that I recommend the Senedd gives its consent.

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8. Legislative Consent Motion: Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill en

Diolch, Lywydd. I'd like to thank all the Members who contributed to this evening's debate. Let me begin with a concern that is widely shared across the Siambr: the way that this Bill was handled, which did curtail our ability to scrutinise it. The preceding legislation that led to the Scunthorpe operations being effectively put into Government control and then nationalised, of course, was an England-only Bill and it was passed, as I said earlier, in a day. This was a four-nation Bill. It relates not just to a potential move in relation to that one site, but it's a piece of legislation that could be applied to steel operations anywhere in the United Kingdom. Given that, I think the approach should have reflected the devolution settlement. There was no prior engagement with the Welsh Government. The reason that has been given, I understand, is one of it being commercially confidential. Well, with something that is as strategically important to the future of the Welsh economy and the UK economy, then I don't think that stands up to scrutiny, to be perfectly frank. We were put in a difficult position, as were the other devolved legislatures. The Northern Ireland Assembly hasn't been able to arrive at a position because there's been simply no time because of the compressed timetable. We, as we always will, will reflect on what we could have done differently, but, in essence, we were put in a very, very difficult position. What we tried to do was, given that suboptimal position, we tried to get the best result for Wales. Yes, the commitments that we sought in relation to Wales's legitimate interests on behalf of our steel communities—we wanted that in statute, that those are our principles. I think they're principles that will, I think, probably be widely shared right across this Siambr. Now, we were able, because we held out, to get those commitments, at least on the record, and we were successful at least in getting a commitment from the current UK Government. But if they were prepared to make that promise at the despatch box, why weren't they prepared to put it in statute? Because the promise doesn't change, the commitment doesn't change, but, of course, a statutory commitment is always better because you can hold not just this Government to account, but, of course, it stands, then, in the legislation governing future administrations as well, and I simply don't understand the resistance to putting it on a statutory basis. People have spoken rightly with feeling about Port Talbot, and I will not add further to what I said in opening, except this: we cannot restore what that community lost, but we can make certain that the option to nationalise is firmly available to future Governments if necessary, and that's what consent today achieves, and it's why, in all conscience, we could not do anything other than recommend to the Senedd that we support it. Of course, any policy in relation to nationalisation or wider steel strategy has to be fair, and we have to have fair competition, and I think we were right and other Members are right to raise that. Public ownership exists to rescue an industry, not to distort a market, and if these powers are used in Scunthorpe or anywhere else, we will measure the consequences against the interests of our Welsh steel industry, our Welsh steel companies and communities that depend on that sector, and we'll not stay silent if Wales is made to pay the price of an intervention elsewhere. But our message today is simple: we consent to this Bill, or we urge the Senedd to do so, because Wales must never again be told that the tools to save our steel do not exist. We consent to this legislation with our eyes open and with our conditions on the record: equal treatment, fair competition and a full Welsh voice whenever these powers touch the interests of our people. Thank you.

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2026-07-08 4

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7. Reform UK Debate: The tourism sector cy

Yn ffurfiol.

Official English translation

Formally.

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7. Reform UK Debate: The tourism sector cy

Diolch, Lywydd. Hoffwn ddiolch ar y dechrau i Llŷr Powell am gyflwyno'r ddadl hon, a Louise Emery am agor ac am wneud hynny mewn ffordd gytbwys oedd yn cynnwys anghytundeb diffuant a chraffu, ond hefyd yn cynnig syniadau adeiladol, a dwi'n credu bod hynny bob amser yn adlewyrchu'n dda ar ein democratiaeth ni, ein bod ni'n cael y cyfuniad yna. A byddaf i'n dychwelyd at rai o'r prif bwyntiau o anghytundeb rhyngom ni yng nghanol fy araith, ond hoffwn ymateb i rai o'r syniadau diddorol mae Louise wedi eu cynnig, ac yn sicr byddwn i yn barod iawn i edrych ar sut i gryfhau yr hyfforddiant lletygarwch sydd yn digwydd, a dysgu oddi wrth y Swistir yn hynny o beth, a'r cysylltiadau mae eisoes wedi eu hadeiladu, hefyd y syniadau ynglŷn â'r pasys bws a hefyd y pasys Cadw. Ac rwy'n gwybod, o siarad gyda Louise, fod yna doreth o syniadau eraill gyda hi, ac rŷn ni'n barod iawn bob amser i edrych ar y rheini yn adeiladol bob tro. Mae hynny'n wir, wrth gwrs, ar draws y Senedd. Gadewch i mi droi yn gyntaf at yr uchelgais: economi ymwelwyr sy'n gweithio dros Gymru, dros ein cymunedau, dros y busnesau sy'n dibynnu arni a dros y bobl sy'n byw yn y llefydd y mae'r byd am ddod i'w gweld. Mae rhan gyntaf y cynnig yn galw arnom i gydnabod cyfraniad y sector, ac rwy'n gwneud hynny yn llawen ar ran y Llywodraeth. Mae tua un o bob wyth o weithwyr Cymru yn gweithio ym meysydd twristiaeth a lletygarwch, ac, yn wahanol i sawl sector arall, mae'r gwaith hwnnw wedi ei wasgaru ar hyd a lled y wlad, yn cynnal incwm mewn cymunedau gwledig ac arfordirol lle mae cyfleoedd eraill yn brin. Nid ffigurau mewn taenlen yw hynny, bywoliaethau ydyn nhw. Ac rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr ag ail ran y cynnig: mae Cymru yn gyrchfan ymwelwyr o'r radd flaenaf ac mae hynny'n destun dathlu. Fe gawsom ni lwc ryfeddol, byw mewn gwlad o olygfeydd syfrdanol, arfordir godidog, anturiaethau awyr agored heb eu hail, bwyd a diod rhagorol, a chroeso cynnes Cymreig. Ein gwaith ni yw gwneud y mwyaf o'r lwc hwnnw; dyna beth mae Croeso Cymru yn ei wneud, yn cryfhau ein proffil rhyngwladol trwy weithgarwch yn Ewrop, yr Unol Daleithiau a thu hwnt, gan ddod â gwarant ymwelwyr a manteision i bob rhan o Gymru.

Official English translation

Thank you, Llywydd. I'd first of all like to thank Llŷr Powell for tabling this debate, and to Louise Emery for opening the debate and doing so in a balanced way that included some sincerely held disagreements and scrutiny, but also offered constructive ideas, and I think that that always reflects well on our democracy, that we have that combination of factors. And I will return to some of the main points of disagreement between us as I move through my speech, but I'd like to respond to some of the ideas that Louise put forward, which are interesting, and certainly I would be more than willing to look at how we can strengthen hospitality training and to learn from Switzerland in that regard and the connections that she's already built, and also those ideas on the travel passes as well as the Cadw pass that she mentioned. And I know, having spoken to Louise, that there is a whole host of ideas that she also has, and we are always willing, of course, to look at those in a constructive manner. That is true, of course, across the Senedd. Let me first of all turn to the ambition: a visitor economy that works for Wales, works for our communities, for the businesses that rely on that economy, and for the people who live in those areas where the world wishes to visit. The first part of the motion calls on us to recognise the contribution of the sector, and I do that gladly on behalf of the Government. Around one in eight workers in Wales work in tourism and hospitality, and, unlike many other sectors, that work is distributed the length and breadth of the country, maintaining incomes in rural and coastal communities where other opportunities are scarce. Those aren't figures in a spreadsheet, they are livelihoods. And I agree entirely with the second part of the motion: Wales is a world-class destination, and that is a cause of celebration. We've been very lucky to live in a country with glorious views, glorious coastline, outdoor activities that are unsurpassed, excellent food and drink, and a warm Welsh welcome. Our work is to make the most of that good luck; that's what Visit Wales does, strengthening our international profile through activities in Europe, the United States and beyond, bringing visitor expenditure and benefits to all parts of Wales.

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7. Reform UK Debate: The tourism sector en

Llywydd, next year, that international profile takes on a new dimension. Wales steps on to one of the biggest sporting stages on earth as we welcome hundreds of thousands of Tour de France fans, and there's a certain justice in it—for decades we've been apologising to cyclists for our gradients, and now the greatest race on earth is coming precisely because of them. It turns out we were sitting on a world-class asset all along. But a great event that leaves nothing behind is just a party. Our ambition is a legacy, so I'm proud to announce today a £4.5 million investment over 2026 and 2027 in tourism-related cycling infrastructure. The peloton will pass through Wales in a matter of hours. What it leaves behind must last for decades. This is about converting a moment of global attention into a permanent national asset—routes, facilities and businesses that serve visitors and communities long after the last rider has crossed the line. And if we're inviting the world in, the welcome must be real for everyone. A quarter of all visitors to Wales are disabled; if Wales says 'croeso' to the world, that word cannot come with small print. It must hold true for disabled visitors, neurodivergent visitors and people with hidden conditions and barriers. That's why I'm launching Croeso i Bawb, £2 million in grant funding to help tourism and hospitality businesses open their doors wider still. Accessibility is good business, but, more than that, it is simply what 'hospitality' means. Let me turn now to the two questions at the heart of this debate. Firstly, the visitor levy. Where tourism happens, there are impacts on the local area. That's not a criticism of the sector, it's a facet of success. Visitor levies are neither unusual nor untested. They operate successfully in destinations across Europe and the world, providing resources for the very infrastructure and services that make places worth visiting in the first place. It's, rightly, for each local authority to consult and decide, but, where a levy is introduced, it's an opportunity to make the visitor economy work both for the sector and for the communities that host it, and this Government supports that model. Second, the 182-day letting threshold. Tourism matters to our economy; so do homes for local people. Those two truths must be held in balance. And where the balance is wrong, we will act. That's why our manifesto committed to reviewing the threshold and creating clear, reasonable exemptions where self-catering accommodation would not qualify as a private home. The Cabinet Minister for Finance is considering these matters as an early priority and will set out our proposals in due course. Llywydd, the First Minister has said that he is committed to learning at all times, and that will be my approach too. I meet the chairs of the regional tourism forums later this month, and over the summer I'll continue taking evidence directly from sector representatives across Wales, but I do want to go further. Over the course of this term, we are committed to examining whether the form and function of Visit Wales is right for the sector it serves. I believe the moment has come for a proper stocktake, a reset moment between Government and the sector, leading to a shared vision and action plan, a new deal for the visitor economy. I want the sector to help shape it, and I want the Senedd to help shape it too—the cross-party group, Members on all sides, including the parties opposite and the party behind me—for the whole of Wales, built by the whole of Wales. And in that spirit, let me turn now to the contributions Members have made this afternoon. Anna Nicholl shared some of her constituents' experiences, and I think that, in listening and learning, we need to hold those experiences right at the heart of everything that we do. Steven Rodaway asked us to look at the evidence base, and we certainly will be committed in this and in everything we do to ground everything in the evidence base. We urge Members that want to bring data to our attention to do so, and we will do so ourselves in a transparent manner. I welcome the positive contribution from Shavanah Taj. The levy used well, in partnership with the sector, as we know from across Europe and the world, can actually be an engine of growth and development for the sector. And I know that's the kind of approach that's been taken by the sector in Cardiff. There could be lessons elsewhere in Wales. I am out of time at this point. The flesh was willing, but the spirit was weak. [Laughter.] All I would say in closing is: look, every nation tells the world a story about itself, and tourism is how the world comes to hear ours. Let's make sure that story is worthy of the country and the country worthy of the welcome.

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7. Reform UK Debate: The tourism sector cy

'Croeso' yw'r gair cyntaf mae Cymru yn ei ddweud wrth y byd; gadewch i ni wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n ei ddweud e bob tro o waelod calon. Diolch.

Official English translation

'Welcome' is the first word that Wales says to the world; let's make sure that we always say it from the bottom of our hearts. Thank you.

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2026-07-07 13

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2026-07-01 25

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3. Topical Questions en

I received a report on the impact of the fire when I spoke with the company's chief executive officer this week. All personnel were accounted for and evacuated from the area safely. The company is surveying the damage and considering next steps in partnership with the trade unions. I will receive a further update when I visit the site tomorrow.

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3. Topical Questions en

I would also like to put on record our thanks to the emergency services—the mid and west Wales fire service—who attended the fire at around 8 p.m. on 3 June. The fire crews left the site on Friday 5 June. It's certainly something that Tata obviously wanted to stress: that their priority always is the safety of their employees and the wider community, as well as the safe and stable operation of the site, which, as the Member would agree, is such an important economic asset, not just in terms of its local and regional importance, but to Wales as a whole. The company, in the discussions that I've already had, have said that they're obviously surveying the damage and have begun the work of making the sites safe. They have actively implemented, or have begun implementing, mitigation plans, including providing alternative processing for the cold mill and the pickle line, which is being transferred to Llanwern, in order to maintain supply to customers, and they've been working with the workforce to enable that to happen. The hot mill, of course, will remain at Port Talbot. As I said, I'll be meeting the CEO and the wider senior project team leading on the electric arc furnace programme tomorrow, and that will be an opportunity to discuss any of the live issues related to the fire damage and the mitigation measures, but also to discuss the wider project. And Tata reiterated very, very clearly to me how committed they are to ensuring that that project is delivered to the wider benefit of the community and, indeed, Wales as a whole.

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3. Topical Questions en

We will, obviously, do everything that we can to support the project, which, as I said, is of such strategic importance to Wales. I've already had an initial discussion with the CEO on Monday, not just to discuss the fire, but also the reports in relation to the delay. I'll have a further opportunity tomorrow, when I visit Tata, to discuss these matters in greater detail. To deliver the connection, National Grid Electricity Transmission is expanding the existing Margam site with a new 275 kV substation, and delivering a second 275 kV substation at Tata Steel's Port Talbot site, both of which require the procurement and installation of new supergrid transformers, as well as a 2 km underground cable connecting the two substations. Now, we've engaged not just with Tata, but, obviously, with National Grid Electricity Transmission. They've indicated that the delay is down to several issues, not just the fault of one single party or issue. There's a range of factors. We're seeking to understand that in greater detail. Obviously, many of the levers here and powers are reserved, but to the extent that we can, either through making representations in order to influence policy or delivery, we stand ready to do everything that we can as a Government to ensure that this vitally important project is delivered as quickly as possible to ensure the economic benefit to the community and to Wales.

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3. Topical Questions en

I thank the Member for her contribution. I think it's important that we provide reassurance and we don't add to any uncertainty in this regard. What she's referring to there simply isn't relevant in this case, because the voltage involved is at the extra high voltage of 275 kV or above—those are matters that are entirely reserved to Westminster. That's the transmission network, not the distribution network. So, it isn't actually, in any way, relevant to this case, and it's important that we provide that clear reassurance. And as I was referring to earlier, the 2 km of cable is actually undergrounded in this case, but that was a decision made based on a reserved basis, not a matter for us.

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3. Topical Questions en

I thank the Member. She raised a number of issues, which I think, in order to respond fully and accurately to, I will have to write to her, because, as I said earlier, I think it's important, as she will fully understand, in terms of the reassurance that we want to provide to the workforce always, that we want to make sure that she gets accurate information and that that is also provided to the workforce and to the wider public. In terms of when did I know, then, I found out on Monday, and we were able to speak on Monday morning with the CEO and have a detailed conversation with him at that stage in relation to what had happened in terms of the fire, but also the reports in relation to the delay. Some of this information is commercially sensitive, so—. Well, there is market-sensitive information about a company that is regulated like this that they can only, under law, provide through appropriate channels. Ultimately, in a commercially led project like this, it's for those commercial parties to decide when that information is released and where, but I found out on Monday. We acted very quickly to ensure that we had as much information as we could from Tata. As I said, we will be seeking to see what we can do as a Government directly, but also what influence we can bring to bear on all of the other stakeholders in order to ensure that this delay is minimised, that we achieve progress in an accelerated way, because that's how, of course, we can maximise the benefit to the workforce, to the community and to Wales. [Interruption.] Of course.

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