Adrian Mason

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1. 7. Reform UK Debate: Prostate cancer strategy en

   I'm going to address the men of Wales, and first of all, thank you, Llŷr Powell, for tabling this debate. This is one of those debates where we should be able to put politics to one side. Prostate cancer doesn't care who you vote for, where you live or what you do for a living. When somebody is told they've got cancer, they're not thinking about politics, they're thinking about their family, what happens next and whether they're going to be all right. This issue is personal to me. My grandfather died from kidney failure caused by prostate cancer, and several other men on my mother's side of the family have been affected by it. That's why it matters to me. I'm thinking about my grandfather and about the families across Wales facing those same worries today. I'm also thinking about the men who may have put off speaking to their GP. I'm 61 now, and because of my family background, I've had the prostate-specific antigen test, and, thankfully, the result was reassuring. But many men don't take that step. Some don't want to make a fuss. Some are worried about what they might be told. Others simply think if they feel fine, there cannot be anything wrong. The reality is that prostate cancer does not always give you a warning. That's why awareness matters and why men need to understand their own risk. But awareness on its own isn't enough. When someone does come forward, the NHS has to be there for them. If they need tests, scans or treatment, they shouldn't be left waiting and worrying about what happens next. For those of us in rural Wales, there can be additional challenges. A hospital appointment can mean a long journey, time away from work and an entire day spent travelling. If you're already anxious about your health, that only adds to the burden. The latest national prostate cancer audit also raises concerns about variation in treatment in Wales. The figures come with important warnings about data quality, but that itself raises a question: how can we be confident that patients are receiving the right treatment if we cannot reliably measure what is happening? I also want to say a brief word about the Conservative amendment. I understand the case being made, because I'd like to see more men diagnosed earlier too, particularly given my own family's experience. There is important work taking place around targeted screening for men at particularly high risk, and I believe Wales should continue to follow the evidence and medical advice as that develops. But today's motion is straightforward. We're asking the Welsh Government to ensure that prostate cancer has a clear place within Wales's national cancer strategy. And inclusion in a strategy must mean more than just a mention in a document. It needs clear commitment on earlier diagnosis, timely treatment and fair access across Wales, with progress that patients and families can actually see—not because prostate cancer is more important than any other cancer, but because it affects so many men and families, and deserves sustained attention. I'd like to thank organisations such as Prostate Cymru, Prostate Cancer UK, Lingen Davies Cancer Support in my own constituency, and Movember, along with the NHS staff and all the other organisations and individuals who work tirelessly to support patients and their families. Llywydd, I can't change what happened to my grandfather, but I'd like to think we can improve things for the men and families who come after us, because behind every diagnosis is a husband, father, grandfather, brother or friend. And what matters to those families isn't which party brought this debate forward; what matters is what we do next and whether we make the difference. Diolch.

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1. 1. Questions to the First Minister en

   First Minister, collaboration from the Irish Republic is something that I, like you, strongly support, particularly on trade, Holyhead and the resilience of our links across the Irish Sea. But co-operation between two Governments is one matter; advancing a party political constitutional objective is quite another. Your Government's shared statement, as you just mentioned before, with Ireland, specifically refers to co-operation in areas for which the Welsh Government has devolved responsibility. So, will you give this Chamber a categorical assurance that Welsh Government offices, officials, public money and ministerial visits to Ireland will not be used directly or indirectly to promote Plaid Cymru's campaign for Welsh independence? And can you give that assurance today?

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2. 2. Questions to the Counsel General en

   Diolch, Lywydd. Good afternoon, Counsel General. The two-week time frame required under Standing Order 29.2 is not merely an administrative suggestion. It's in place to ensure that proper scrutiny of the relevant provisions of UK legislation can be conducted by committees. The Welsh Government's repeated failure to adhere to this time frame impedes proper scrutiny. Counsel General, in light of this, can you provide the Senedd with an update on the clear action planned to be taken by the Welsh Government to ensure that committees are able to effectively scrutinise legislation made by your Government in the interest of fair and accountable governance?

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3. 2. Questions to the Counsel General en

   Thank you, Counsel General. I know you wouldn't stand there making excuses—I'm quite fully aware of that. But considering Plaid Cymru's fierce commitment to promoting and preserving the Welsh language, which has rightly received support across the Chamber, of course, it remains unclear why the Welsh language versions of statutory texts are repeatedly attracting reporting points concerning inconsistencies between the English and Welsh texts. So, going forward, Counsel General, what is the Welsh Government doing to ensure that translation of statutory texts into the Welsh language are accurate, clear and contribute positively to the accessibility of Welsh law?

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4. 2. Questions to the Counsel General en

   I thank you again for your honesty, Counsel General. In light of the often elusive nature of inter-governmental communications between the Welsh and UK Governments, can you commit to ensuring that, where it is appropriate, the Legislation Committee is provided with a clear record of discussions, negotiations and agreements reached on draft legislation? Whilst I do recognise, Counsel General, that the Welsh Government may consider these discussions are subject to privilege, there must be some exceptions to facilitate proper scrutiny. So, basically, to ensure that draft legislation can be scrutinised, of course, it is vital that both the Legislation Committee and the wider Senedd understands the context of these negotiations. So, Counsel General, transparency is of paramount importance if we intend to collaboratively create a clear, cohesive body of Welsh law for the remainder of the seventh Senedd. Would you agree?

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5. 2. Questions to the Counsel General en

   Thank you.

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1. 3. Statement by the Cabinet Minister for Government Effectiveness and the Constitution: The next steps for the Glyndŵr National Park (Designation) Order en

   Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Cabinet Minister, we've only known each other for a few months, but during that time I've found you to be a reasonable man, and quite frankly, we have political differences, but I know that, as I do, you have the best interests of the people of Wales. So, as such, your statement on a proposed new national park for Wales is welcome. In this instance, nobody in this Chamber needs convincing that the Clwydian range, the Dee valley and the wider area covered by the proposal contain some of the finest landscapes in Wales; they're absolutely fantastic. However, that is not the issue; the issue is determining whether a new national park with associated new powers and costs is the right answer.  Cabinet Minister, I applaud your recognition that there remain too many unanswered questions to confirm the designation Order or to conduct a public inquiry at the moment. We know that Natural Resources Wales believes the area meets the statutory test for designation. However, we also know that serious concerns remain. Numerous opposition points have been raised by stakeholders. Denbighshire has maintained its objection. Flintshire has raised concerns surrounding costs, duplication of planning, amongst others. These concerns matter because this isn't simply about drawing a line on a map, is it? People live within these lines. They farm, they run businesses, they raise families, and basically they're entitled to know what this proposal will actually mean for their lives and livelihoods. That's paramount. They deserve absolute transparency. So, Cabinet Minister, I appreciate your commitment to pausing proposals in light of the continued uncertainty. Your recognition of the affordability question and what makes commercial common sense for Wales is welcome. These proposals intersect with Wales's best financial interests and the heart of Welsh communities. The important question now is what will happen afterwards or to these proposals. You've made it clear that your statement today is not a final decision, and have committed to giving an opportunity to those with an interest in these proposals to make further representations. But after the four weeks' extended consultation period, what will happen next? You have committed to ensuring officials will analyse the representations and provide further advice; however, the representations of the interested parties must be listened to—not simply heard, but listened to. Because if local government, communities and other interested parties are to feel confident in the proposals, they must be confident that their views have been listened to and are capable of influencing the final decision. When looking at the area in question, it's clear that statistics on tourist footfall are positive. In the 2025 statutory consultation report, Natural Resources Wales found that the area already draws 3.3 million visitors annually. Cabinet Minister, it is the right decision not to push forward with the proposals with an incomplete evidence base when it cannot be guaranteed that councils such as Denbighshire, Flintshire, Wrexham and others will not end up carrying additional costs, whether directly or indirectly. Then there's the effect on local communities, of course. A national park is not simply scenery. There are legitimate concerns about housing development, tourism, traffic and the ability of younger people to remain in the communities where they grew up, with implications for the Welsh language, of course. These concerns should not be dismissed as hostility to environmental protection. They are practical questions about how this proposal will work in the real world. And finally, Cabinet Minister, there is a question of trust, isn't there? The law provides for objections to be heard for a jolly good reason. Affected county councils and communities have already raised serious issues. Basically, they need to discuss these matters further. I applaud your commitment to exploring how the objectives of the designating process can be delivered under alternative arrangements, and without the £11.6 million estimated establishment cost. We need to understand the fundamentals before prioritising designation: what issues does a new national park solve, why is this particular structure the right solution, how will it work, how will it be funded, and who will be accountable when decisions go wrong. Cabinet Minister, in light of persistent unanswered questions, the decision not to pursue these proposals before further representations are made across the board is absolutely the right one. Should your Government answer these questions in the affirmative and make a clear financial and local case for proposals, we in Reform will look positively upon the proposals and we will support it, but only if it reflects the wishes of the people of the communities most directly affected. Before another layer of Government is created in north-east Wales, those questions deserve clear answers. The purpose of this Chamber is to represent the interests of the Welsh people—

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2. 3. Statement by the Cabinet Minister for Government Effectiveness and the Constitution: The next steps for the Glyndŵr National Park (Designation) Order en

   Indeed you can. In light of today's statement, Cabinet Minister, I am confident that the correct steps have been taken to ensure Welsh voices have not just been acknowledged but been listened to. Thank you.

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1. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Rural Resilience and Sustainability cy

   8. Beth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i fynd i'r afael ag unigrwydd cymdeithasol mewn cymunedau ffermio yng Nghlwyd? OQ64571

   Official English translation

   8. What is the Welsh Government doing to tackle social isolation in farming communities in Clwyd? OQ64571

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2. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Rural Resilience and Sustainability en

   Diolch, Minister. Farming can be a lonely occupation. Long hours, financial pressures and geographical isolation can place enormous strain on farmers—and their families, of course. We know that poor mental health and suicide are serious concerns for farming communities, yet those most in need of support are often the least likely to seek it. You and I both represent Clwyd, and we know how important farming is to our communities, but, behind the farm gates, there can be individuals struggling in silence, often with nobody to turn to. What specific steps is the Welsh Government taking to identify farmers who are struggling, ensuring that mental health support goes even to the most isolated communities, and intervening before developing into a crisis? And crucially, Minister, how are we ensuring our support reaches the people who need it most, not simply waiting for a farmer in despair to find the courage they need to ask for help?

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1. 1. Nominations for a Committee Chair en

   Yes, Llywydd, thank you.

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1. 7. Reform UK Debate: Wales and the United Kingdom en

   Diolch. This motion before us concerns one of the most fundamental questions we can debate in this Chamber: the constitutional future of Wales and its place within the United Kingdom. Plaid Cymru's amendment says that Wales's constitutional future should be determined by the people of Wales. Well, of course, we're democrats, and the views of the people of Wales are fundamental. Too often now, debates about the union begin with what the alleged faults are, but we should also examine what the union means in practical terms for the people we represent. Wales, today—we're here—has its own parliament, its own government, and substantial responsibility for its own domestic affairs. At the same time, we remain part of a wider United Kingdom, in which matters including defence, foreign affairs, monetary policy and most social security and state pensions are shared at UK level. That combination of devolved government and common UK institutions is built into the present constitutional settlement. It means we can be Welsh without having to choose between being Welsh and being British. Our national identity does not depend upon constitutional separation. And the union is not simply a constitutional concept. It operates every day. People live in Wales and work in England. Businesses in Wales trade naturally with businesses in England. Families live on both sides of the border. Students, patients, trains, roads, supply chains—they all cross the border. For much of north-east Wales in particular, the border is not an edge of an economy, it runs right through the middle of it. That economic integration can be seen in the Welsh Government's own figures. Its latest trade survey estimates that businesses in Wales sold about £48.2 billion-worth of goods and services to the rest of the United Kingdom, and international sales were about £24.2 billion. So, Welsh businesses sold about twice as much to the rest of the United Kingdom as they did to the whole international market combined, and that's the Welsh Government's figures.

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2. 7. Reform UK Debate: Wales and the United Kingdom en

   So, that is not an argument that Wales could not trade with England if it became independent, clearly it could, but it does demonstrate the sheer scale of the economic relationship that already exists in the United Kingdom. And that relationship operates with a common currency, a common monetary system and no exchange rate between Wales and England. We use sterling. Monetary policy is set through the Bank of England of the United Kingdom as a whole. A business, say, in Tenby buying goods from Birmingham does not have to think about currency conversions. A worker living in Powys and earning a salary across the border doesn't have to think about exchange rates. A pension does not change currency when somebody moves from Colwyn Bay to Chester. These things are easily taken for granted precisely because they happen every day. There's also a pooling of resources. We hear often in this Chamber about fair funding, and there are legitimate arguments about the Barnett formula, individual spending decisions and how resources should be distributed, but that debate should also include the whole picture. The latest Office for National Statistics's country and regional public finance figures show that the public expenditure attributed to Wales substantially exceeds public revenues attributed to Wales. And the gap is phenomenal: in 2024-25 it was approximately £23 billion. Now, we should be precise about what this actually means. It's a measure of Wales within the present United Kingdom fiscal system, it's not automatically a prediction of the budget deficit of an independent Wales, but it should not be simply ignored. One of the features of the United Kingdom is that revenue and expenditure are pooled across different parts of the country. At times, alternative areas contribute distinct amounts and have different spending needs. That pooling of resources is part of what a fiscal union actually means. The same principle can be seen in state pensions and much of social security. These remain UK-wide responsibilities under the current settlement. State pensions, pension credit, universal credit and disability benefit are all matters that basically are still reserved to the United Kingdom. Defence is shared. Foreign affairs are shared. Monetary policy is shared. There are therefore practical institutions behind the word 'union'. And none of this prevents Wales from having its own democratic institutions. The Senedd legislates in devolved areas, Welsh Ministers make decisions in those areas. The argument is not, therefore, a choice between having a Welsh voice and not having a Welsh voice. The present constitutional model combines Welsh self-government in devolved matters with participation in wider UK institutions. Now, look, none of this means that the present system is perfect. No constitutional settlement is ever perfect. There will always be arguments about where power should lie, how money should be allocated and whether a particular decision should be taken in Cardiff or Westminster. We see it all the time. These are legitimate debates. But changing a constitutional settlement is entirely a different proposition. Plaid Cymru is clear about its ultimate aim. Its constitution states that it seeks independence for Wales in Europe. If independence is put forward as an alternative, it is reasonable to ask what would replace the arrangements I have just described. What currency would Wales use? Would it continue using sterling? If so, what influence would an independent Welsh Government have over monetary policy? Would a new Welsh currency eventually be created? What would happen to the fiscal arrangements that presently operate across the United Kingdom? How would pensions and social security liability be divided? What proportion of the UK assets and, crucially, liabilities would be negotiated? And what trading arrangements would apply if the independent Wales sought membership of the European Union while England remained outside it? These are not reasons to avoid a constitutional debate, they are the substance of a constitutional debate. This is why I think we need to move beyond slogans on all sides. Those who advocate for constitutional change should explain what that change means in practical terms, and those who defend existing arrangements should be prepared to explain how they can work better. The people of Wales should be given the facts as opposed to simply competing assertions. For me, there are some straightforward questions that should apply whenever major constitutional change is proposed. What issue are we seeking to solve? What evidence is there that changing the constitution will solve it? What are the financial consequences? What happens to cross-border services? How will the new arrangements work, and who will be accountable for delivering them? These are sensible tests when a proposal concerns further devolution, independence or any other fundamental constitutional change. And there is one final point: this debate should never become a test of somebody's Welshness. There are people deeply proud to be Welsh who support independence. There are people equally proud to be Welsh who support the union. Constitutional preference does not determine national identity. So, Llywydd, as we consider this motion, and the amendments, I hope we can look beyond labels. We should examine the issues we already share: the economic relationship that already exists, the pooling of resources, the common currency, and the shared system of pension, social security, defence and international representation. Apologies for going over. Because whenever Wales ultimately chooses, decisions of this magnitude deserve to be made on the basis of evidence, practical detail and a clear understanding of the consequences. That is what I believe is the absolute basis for which this constitutional debate should take place. Thank you.

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1. 1. Questions to the First Minister en

   5. Beth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i gefnogi pobl hŷn gyda chostau byw? OQ64527

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2. 1. Questions to the First Minister en

   Thanks for the answer, First Minister. So, while I recognise there are a number of schemes available, and I knew you'd refer to some, of course you would, but the Older People's Commissioner for Wales tells us that one in six older people in Wales are living in relative income poverty, with one in five going without heating and a quarter skipping meals or eating less. How can we imagine that situation? It's happening in Wales. These figures suggest that despite the support available, too many older people are still struggling, particularly those living on fixed incomes and those who may fall just outside eligibility for means-tested assistance. So, what further action will your Government take to ensure that support actually reaches older people, and how will you measure whether it is succeeding?

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3. 2. Questions to the Counsel General en

   Here we are again, Counsel General. You and I have to walk a narrow line in our exchanges. We're here in our legal capacity in this instance in an immensely political Chamber. So, no trick questions. Constitutional change can have long-term consequences, of course. When the Government considers seeking additional powers for Wales, what tests do you believe should be applied before a proposal is taken forward? Should those tests include a clearly identifiable difficulty, evidence that transferring powers is the best way to address it, a workable delivery plan and sustainable funding, and clear accountability? Where services operate across the England and Wales border, should the effect on those cross-border links also be addressed and made clear before any changes take place?

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4. 2. Questions to the Counsel General en

   Thank you. I want to move to the tribunal system. I know it's high in your priorities, Counsel General. So, the proposed new Welsh tribunal structure is intended not only to bring existing devolved tribunals into a more coherent system, but also be capable of taking on additional jurisdictions in the future. Before any additional jurisdiction is transferred into the Welsh tribunal system, what safeguards do you believe should be in place? In particular, how would we protect judicial independence, access to specialist expertise, consistent rights of appeal, and the handling of cases across the England-Wales border? And would you expect the costs and practical impact of each proposed transfer to be fully assessed before it takes place?

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5. 2. Questions to the Counsel General en

   Let's move now to the rail network—another one that is coming down the line, excuse the pun. Counsel General, the Government has set out a pathway towards full devolution of rail services and infrastructure, while also accepting that the Welsh network must remain integrated within the wider United Kingdom, of course. From a legal and constitutional point of view, what would need to be settled before such a transfer could take place? In particular, how would responsibility for long-term infrastructure liabilities, cross-border routes, for example, funding and dispute resolution be divided between Welsh Ministers, the Welsh Government and Great British Railways? And should funding and liability be settled as an integral part of any transfer rather than being left to subsequent negotiations?

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1. 1. Questions to the Trefnydd, Chief Whip and Cabinet Minister for Culture and Sport en

   Another variation on a theme, another rugby question.

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2. 1. Questions to the Trefnydd, Chief Whip and Cabinet Minister for Culture and Sport cy

   5. Pa gamau mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i gefnogi cyfranogiad mewn rygbi yng Nghlwyd? OQ64473

   Official English translation

   5. What action is the Welsh Government taking to support participation in rugby in Clwyd? OQ64473

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3. 1. Questions to the Trefnydd, Chief Whip and Cabinet Minister for Culture and Sport en

   Thanks very much indeed. Minister, as you know, rugby is deeply rooted in communities across Clwyd, as my colleague just alluded, in Colwyn Bay, Rhyl and District, Denbigh, Flint, Ruthin, Mold. We have a number of clubs across the region. Communities across Wales's participation in grass-roots rugby is not only beneficial to players but gives a vital outlet for socialisation and channels investment into local economies, which is particularly important. Restructuring cannot simply be dismissed as an internal matter for the WRU, of course. Sport Wales provides £430,000 of public funding to the WRU, while millions more are invested through Actif North Wales. So, against a background of structural shifts being made within the WRU, what assurances can the Minister give that north Wales will not be starved of the community benefits of Wales's national game? And will she commit to ensuring that public funding protects grass-roots rugby and genuine player pathways for young people in Clwyd?

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1. 1. Questions to the First Minister en

   How to follow that? A declaration of interest: my wife works for Bangor University, Llywydd.

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2. 1. Questions to the First Minister cy

   3. Pa asesiad mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi'i wneud o fforddiadwyedd ffioedd dysgu yng Nghymru? OQ64476

   Official English translation

   3. What assessment has the First Minister made of the affordability of tuition fees in Wales? OQ64476

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3. 1. Questions to the First Minister en

   Thank you, First Minister. The figures are clear and unambiguous. England has already set its tuition fee cap at just over £10,000. At the same time, Welsh universities are under severe financial pressure. The sector recorded an underlying deficit of more than £79 million according to Medr, while Bangor University alone reported a deficit of nearly £19 million, alongside redundancies. And the number of Welsh students studying at Welsh universities has fallen by about 9 per cent since 2021, the largest percentage fall of any UK nation. Universities need certainty if they’re to plan staffing, courses and investment responsibly. They are on their beam ends, quite frankly. So, will the First Minister give the sector some certainty today? Will the Welsh tuition fee cap remain in line with England for the rest of the Senedd term, yes or no, please?

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1. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Government Effectiveness and the Constitution en

   Cabinet Minister, across Wales, people are struggling with the cost of water bills. They're not interested in devolution or additional devolution. They're more interested in the increase of their bills by 27 per cent. Cabinet Minister, as you're well aware, water networks in Wales cross the Wales and English border. In light of this, what clear problems would devolution solve, and how would this improve services or cut bills for the Welsh household?

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1. 5. Statement by the Deputy Minister for Transport: Our Vision for the Devolution of Rail en

   Deputy Minister, I honestly hate to say this, because it might damage your reputation with your party, but you've always struck me, in my short time here, as being one of the more sensible Ministers on the Government benches. But then you went and spoiled it all by saying you are a fan of more devolution. Now, people in this Chamber will know that I'm not a fan of more devolution, and neither is my party. But you have made a serious point about underinvestment in Welsh rail. Many people in north Wales, where my constituency lies, will totally agree with you. But Reform Wales does not believe every issue is solved by devolving more power to Cardiff Bay. To build a skyscraper on weak foundations is total folly. So, the test is simple: will passengers get better services from your plans? And what does network north Wales actually mean for north Wales? We have been promised for years that we’d have electrification of the north Wales main line. I want to know what would happen to the lines going from Wrexham to Chester, Wrexham to Bidston, into Liverpool and Manchester Airport. These are crucial lines for us in north Wales.

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2. 5. Statement by the Deputy Minister for Transport: Our Vision for the Devolution of Rail en

   Sure. What is the cost of devolution and, basically, what will be the benefits and what is the timetable? Thank you.

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1. 1. Questions to the First Minister cy

   6. Sut y bydd y Llywodraeth yn cefnogi cysylltiadau economaidd gogledd Cymru â gogledd-orllewin Lloegr? OQ64204

   Official English translation

   6. How will the Government support north Wales's economic ties with north-west England? OQ64204

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2. 1. Questions to the First Minister en

   Thank you, First Minister. As someone from Anglesey, Ynys Môn, you'll know that this is not an abstract point for north Wales. Unless Plaid Cymru has bought you a helicopter to go with your new job, then basically even you, First Minister, will take 4.5 hours to get to Cardiff Bay. So, for many communities, our practical economic links run east to Chester, Liverpool and Manchester. Indeed, from north-west Wales, our closest capital city is Dublin, not Cardiff. That says something important about geography, transport and economic reality, doesn't it? So, will the First Minister accept that north Wales needs an economic policy shaped by how this part of Wales actually works, with strong links to north-west England and the Irish sea economy, not just by how it looks from Cardiff Bay?

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3. 3. Statement by the Cabinet Minister for Government Effectiveness and the Constitution: Priorities for Government Effectiveness and Constitution en

   Minister, thank you for your statement, which we received just a little bit earlier. Dirprwy Lywydd, I want to begin with some personal context, if I may. My family comes from Penllyn. My ancestors were farmers on Ynys Enlli and in Aberdaron. My grandfather came from Criccieth and worked as a blacksmith in Sarn. My father was born in Pwllheli and his grandfather was a lighthouse keeper on Ynys Enlli. So, the lifeblood of Wales runs in my veins. My father joined the RAF during the second world war and served in Bomber Command, and every time that young man from Pwllheli climbed into his Lancaster bomber, he knew that he might not come home. Not only did he risk his life for his Welsh home, he was fighting for the survival of the United Kingdom; he answered the call of King and country, as so many Welsh men and women did. Like me and like my ancestors, he was a unionist. That's why it amazes me when Plaid Cymru calls itself 'the party for Wales'. What it means, of course, is that it is the party of nationalists, a party of separatists wanting Wales to secede from the United Kingdom—it's in your constitution. But you do not have to be a nationalist to love your country. You do not have to be a nationalist to value Welsh culture. And you do not have to be a nationalist to want better lives for the people of Wales. And you certainly do not have to be a nationalist to be Welsh. That's why today's statement is so concerning.  Plaid Cymru was part of the political consensus that led to 27 years of failure in Wales. Now, instead of focusing on health, education, transport, the economy and other devolved areas where people need delivery, the Government comes to the Chamber asking for more powers. Dirprwy Lywydd, I totally despair. The lesson of the last 27 years is not that Cardiff Bay lacks power; the lesson is that the power has too often been used badly. During the election campaign, people were promised a new type of politics. They were tired of the same old consensus, tired of politicians saying one thing and doing another, tired of being promised change while getting the same results. So, what do we get today? We get a Minister asking the people of Wales to believe that yet more constitutional change will somehow fix the failures of Government. You don't listen, you don't learn, and you don't get it, do you? Keep doing the same thing and we should not be taken aback when we get the same results. Plaid Cymru needs to understand that the people of Wales have had enough of constitutional obsession. They want shorter NHS waiting lists, they want better schools, they want decent transport, safer communities and an economy that works. They do not want public money, civil service time and political attention diverting to yet another stage of the separatist obsession. Everything proposed today comes at a cost, let's not forget it. The money, the time and effort spent on unnecessary constitutional change could be used to help fix our health service, our failing education system and our crumbling infrastructure. Instead, the Government wants to spend taxpayers' money—and it is taxpayers' money, let's never forget—on a path towards independence, however you choose to dress it up. Be assured that every time a Plaid Minister stands up in this Chamber with a new policy, I'll be watching like a hawk to see if it has any implications for our constitution. Putting Plaid Cymru's political aims above the interests of Wales is ideology first and common sense second, and, yes, Dirprwy Lywydd, it makes my Welsh blood boil. We in Reform will oppose these misguided ideological policies at every opportunity. I love Wales, it is my home. It is the home of my father and of my ancestors, and I will not stand idly by while Plaid Cymru attempts to pull Wales out of the United Kingdom. You do not have to choose between being Welsh and being British; you do not have to choose between loving Wales and supporting the union. And this Chamber should be focused not on getting Cardiff Bay more power, but on giving the people of Wales better Government. Diolch yn fawr, Ddirprwy Lywydd.

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Open this sitting on the stage

1. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Government Effectiveness and the Constitution en

   Diolch yn fawr, Lywydd. May I congratulate the Minister on his appointment? Minister, Plaid Cymru has long argued for more powers for Wales and greater responsibility here in Cardiff Bay. But Plaid cannot present itself as a new beginning after the Labour-Plaid era when, at key moments, it helped keep Labour in power. After 27 years of Labour-led devolution in health, education, transport and the economy, does the Minister accept that Plaid shares some responsibility for that record? Why should Wales hand more powers to the same governing consensus that helped create the failures it now claims it can fix?

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2. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Government Effectiveness and the Constitution en

   Thank you. Minister, Plaid's manifesto is clear: it wants independence. But in the latest polling—and it's true—the people of Wales do not. So, is the Government pursuing independence by instalments—more powers, more separation, more institutions—without first asking the Welsh people the direct question? Will the Minister commit today that there will be no constitutional change by the backdoor, no move towards independence and no further substantive devolution without clear public consent?

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3. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Government Effectiveness and the Constitution en

   Minister, I'm not sure if that was a straight answer to a straight question, because Wales deserves clarity. If the self-styled party of Wales has a constitutional agenda, it should be honest about where that agenda leads. Reform will hold this Government to account, and vague constitutional language will not be enough. So, Minister, we are told again and again that Wales needs more power, but, on health, education, transport, local government and the economy, the record of devolved delivery has fallen far short of what Wales was led to expect. So, before asking for yet more powers, will the Minister tell us plainly what measurable benefit each proposed new power would deliver and the business case there? If he cannot, people will ask the obvious question: is this really better Government, or independence by instalments, a constitutional path to independence by stealth?

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