Siambr · Member of the Senedd · Register of record

Carmelo Colasanto

Reform UK Sir Gaerfyrddin

Official Senedd profile

Tenures

  • Seventh Senedd Sir Gaerfyrddin Reform UK

Ministerial roles

No ministerial roles on record.

Contributions, by sitting day

23 contributions on record, newest first. Official verbatim record.

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  1. 1. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Enterprise, Connectivity and Energy en

    Cabinet Minister, I welcome your commitment to extend Jobs Growth Wales+ to consider the incentives for employers, because young people leaving the programme need apprenticeships and jobs to move into. I recently met with Williams Electrical (Cymru) Ltd, a Carmarthenshire firm that wants to take on more apprentices but says it can no longer afford to. Under the reformed qualifications, a first-year electrical apprentice without the relevant foundation qualification must undertake broader construction training and skills. The concern for the firm is that the additional college day in the first year leaves just three weeks on site whilst they're having to pay a full week's wages for that apprentice. Carmarthenshire's over-65 population has grown by almost a fifth, while apprenticeship starts across Wales are at their lowest since records began. Yet electrical contractors are generally excluded from the Construction Industry Training Board apprenticeship grants available to other construction employers. So, will you discuss with the Deputy Minister for Skills and Tertiary Education how those incentives could include targeted support for smaller electrical firms to cover that additional college day so that businesses like Williams can train the electricians that Wales desperately needs? Diolch.

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  2. 3. Questions to the Senedd Commission cy

    1. Sut mae caffael y Comisiwn yn cefnogi busnesau yng Nghymru? OQ64772

    Official English translation

    1. How does the Commission's procurement support businesses in Wales? OQ64772

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  3. 3. Questions to the Senedd Commission en

    Diolch, Lywydd. The Senedd should lead by example in how public money is spent. In 2018-19, the Commission introduced a performance indicator tracking procurement spending with Welsh suppliers. Following scrutiny of its 2020-21 accounts, the Public Accounts and Public Administration Committee recommended splitting the contracts into smaller lots so that the smaller Welsh firms could compete. The Commission accepted that recommendation. The Welsh Government has now pledged to increase public procurement spending with Wales-based suppliers towards 70 per cent. Small and medium-sized businesses account for over 99 per cent of enterprises in Wales. Businesses across Carmarthenshire, from Llanelli to Ammanford and Carmarthen should have a fair opportunity to compete for those contracts funded by Welsh taxpayers, but knowing how much the Commission spends with Welsh suppliers tells us little about whether that money is reaching businesses across the whole of Wales. So, will the Commission publish a regional breakdown of its procurement model spending, including how much goes to small and medium-sized businesses? And what practical steps is it taking to ensure that the smallest firms in areas such as Carmarthenshire can compete for contracts, including splitting larger contracts into smaller lots where appropriate?

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  1. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Finance cy

    7. Sut y bydd polisïau treth Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi pobl yn Sir Gaerfyrddin? OQ64685 [R]

    Official English translation

    7. How will the Welsh Government's tax policies support people in Carmarthenshire? OQ64685 [R]

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  2. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Finance en

    Thank you, Cabinet Minister. For many households in Carmarthenshire, the tax that bites the hardest is council tax. Recent analysis found that Welsh councils face a combined projected budget shortfall of more than £272 million next year, with Carmarthenshire's £34 million gap the second highest in Wales. Now, residents are already paying the price. Since 2022, the Plaid Cymru-led county council's band D charge, the benchmark that is used to compare council tax across Wales, and for which every other band is set, has risen by more than 31 per cent, including an 8.9 per cent increase in 2025-26. Council tax may be set locally, but Welsh Ministers already retain powers to intervene where increases are considered excessive. Reform has proposed requiring a local referendum before councils can increase council tax by more than 4.99 per cent, similar to the effective threshold applied to many councils in England. So, will the Welsh Government adopt that protection, so Carmarthenshire residents have the final say before they're hit yet again with rises on the scale that we have seen over the last four years? Diolch.

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  1. 7. Reform UK Debate: Regional rugby en

    Having raised the issue on three separate occasions, and having written to the WRU, I finally received their response on 15 September this year. In that response, the WRU stated that Cardiff Rugby and the Dragons were confirmed as the preferred licence holders, given that they are the incumbents. Well, the Scarlets and the Ospreys are also incumbents, so I don't know how they came to that conclusion. Yet in the west, the two incumbent clubs must compete for one place. The letter does not explain why they are being treated differently. However, more worryingly, as Paul has mentioned, the capital licence is earmarked for a club the WRU itself owns, whose £2.4 million loss was excluded from the group's own adjusted operating figures. That is not fair nor transparent. In October last year, the WRU said if consensus could not be reached, it would run a fair and transparent tendering process for the three licences. Instead, two licences have effectively been earmarked and one is being contested. This is not a level playing field. It is a play-off for the west. Llywydd, a decision of this magnitude needs the right people, in the right place, at the right time. That was a principle drummed into me in business. I'm afraid to say, at this moment, we have the wrong people, in the wrong place, at the wrong time. A board that promised a fair and transparent tender, then earmarked two of those three licences before it began. A board that owns one of the clubs is licensing, and will sit in judgment of the others. On finance, the WRU says £20 million a year is available for the professional clubs and that split four ways it is not enough for each to compete consistently. Perhaps that's the case. Who knows? But that £20 million allocation sits within a group that turned over £106 million in its last published accounts. The WRU says the funding gap is too significant to close through commercial growth alone. Then, let's publish the gap for all to see and let's have some transparency, because there's been no scrutiny for the public or us. The Minister told this Chamber last month that decisions on the professional game are for the WRU. That may describe the Government's approach, but the public purse is already involved. In 2021, the Welsh Government's survival package was £13.5 million, as was already confirmed, and each of the regions received £2.7 million in a non-repayable loan. In Carmarthenshire, the council lent the Scarlets funding and owns the freehold of Parc y Scarlets. So, Carmarthenshire taxpayers have a right to know what happens to that loan and that ground if the Scarlets lose their licence. But this is about far more than a loan and a freehold. If the Scarlets were to close, it would be the final nail in the coffin for Llanelli town centre, a town that has already lost too much. Too many shutters down, too many shops gone. Every home game brings thousands of people into Llanelli. They fill the pubs, the cafes, the restaurants. For some of those businesses, match days are the difference between staying open and closing forever. Take the Scarlets away and that trade does not move somewhere else in Llanelli, it simply disappears. On the Government amendment, I agree with much of what it asks for: a full assessment of the consequences, transparency and meaningful engagement. That's exactly what I've been asking the WRU for for the last four weeks. But the amendment removes the central point of this motion that I support: the call to protect the future of all four regions. So, I ask the Minister for three things. First, will she bring the WRU, all the four regions and the affected councils together to examine the options before the licensing process begins in December? Secondly, last month, she undertook to take this Chamber's concerns to the WRU. What response has she received from them, and will she press for the WRU to publish its own full, transparent report? And third, will she work with Carmarthenshire and Swansea councils to establish what happens to the publicly backed loans, grounds and community programmes if either of those clubs lose their licence? Finally, to the bit that I really care about, numbers do not always tell the full story. For a century and a half, rugby has been part of Welsh identity. It's woven into our history, our fabric and our towns and cities. It forms part of our everyday chat in pubs, schools, hair salons, town centres. Heroes of yesteryear like Mervyn Davies, Scott Gibbs, Scott Quinnell, Ray Gravell, Phil Bennett—too many people to mention and too many to honour right here in this speech—their memories and deeds are timeless. And whilst we may never see their like again, this proposal removes any opportunity for tomorrow's legends to aspire to take their rightful place amongst them. These clubs are not franchises to be shuffled around a map; they are generational—grandparents who stood on the terraces of Stradey and St Helen's, parents who now take their own children to the game. You cannot rebuild 150 years of sporting heritage. Once it's gone, it's gone forever. The amendment by Plaid isn't a solution. It's not even half a solution. It is an abject surrender by a party that speaks of passion, and then surrenders our national game to a business model that treats the game like a commodity, and it is no such thing. Welsh rugby is the passion that lights our souls. It's the hopes and aspirations of young children who long to emulate their heroes. It's the memory of the elders who wish to see the glory days return, and must never be the bottom line on a financial spreadsheet. I urge Members to think today on the decision they make that will consign possibly one of our greatest regional clubs to the footnote of history. With that, I reject the amendment and support this motion fully.

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  1. 6. Reform UK Debate: Default 20 mph speed limit en

    Diolch, Lywydd. I'm going to cover a lot of ground that's already been covered, but there are two separate questions in this debate, and too often they're deliberately rolled into one. The first is whether 20 mph is right in some places. Well, of course it is; we're not going to argue with you over that. Outside schools, around hospitals, on clearly defined residential streets where the evidence justifies it, nobody on these benches disputes that lower speeds make collisions less severe. The second question is very different: should 20 mph be the default for restricted roads—I'm not going to use that term—across Wales, with communities left to argue their way back to 30 mph? This is where Reform takes a different and pragmatic view. The focus should be on realising the data isn't conclusive—and it hasn't even been properly evaluated yet—and actually focus on that, rather than taking the credit for an initiative that was really poorly executed. Trying to take the credit for a small dip is like me taking credit for Italy winning the world cup in 1982 because I switched my tv on once. It's absolutely preposterous. It's delusional. For me, I'd like to give my own perspective on why we've seen this dip, and it has nothing to do with the B word. We're all getting e-mails, all of us, from constituents regarding speeding on specific roads, in parks at night. I have it in my ward with regard to the A484, which is a racetrack. I have it in North Dock in Llanelli, I have it in Llangennech in my ward. The most common factors, speaking to people and police officers for this behaviour and the change of behaviour, are as follows. Vehicles now have more safety measures than they ever did before—ever. There are fewer pedestrians around at night because they just don't go out because of the state of our roads. And these guys are speeding and driving at night. They do that because the police are spending less time patrolling in the evenings because of limited resources. So, there's another angle as to why you see that slight dip, and I think we're not looking at that. There is a perception within people that lawlessness is acceptable, and the offenders that we should be focusing on take advantage of that. I'll give you an example of that perception. On 5 March 2026, I witnessed a car overtake me in Felinfoel in a 20 mph zone at approximately 60 mph. The car was going so fast that he actually had to swerve into oncoming traffic and narrowly missed a pedestrian by 1.5 ft to 2.5 ft. I phoned the police on 999 and was told to stay on the line whilst I followed the car in traffic. The registration number was given. Fifteen minutes later, I was told they couldn't do anything because he'd crossed into another force area. That was 5 March. To date, as of this morning, that person has not been visited and spoken to. This is a guy who almost killed someone. So, I would suggest that, actually, we're looking in the wrong place. Now, Reform believes in far, far stronger enforcement of measures. Target the problem. Don't put a default in there. It's absolutely preposterous. So, back to the default. So, what currently decides whether you need your road to be a 20 mph zone? It isn't a school, hospital or a children's crossing. It's a lamppost because that's how we work our default out, by the space between the lights. So, if the street lights are close enough, it's 20 mph, and it's up to your community to prove otherwise, which is a nonsense. Now, as I said, collisions on 20 mph and 30 mph roads are dipping slightly and every one of us should welcome that. But they were already falling for around 10 years. This isn't an overnight thing. The post-policy period is short and the Government's evaluation isn't even finished. So, I would say: publish the evaluation in full. Show us which roads actually produced a benefit, because if the gains have actually come from streets where 20 mph was always the default, then that's wrong, isn't it? That's an argument for targeting, not a national default. Then there is consent: 469,571 people signed a petition to say they didn't want this—didn't want it. And we're accused of always talking Wales down, where it looks like they told you—500,000 people who didn't want it—and you talked them down. So, let's get our facts straight there. Transport for Wales's own monitoring sites in summer 2025 said that barely half of the vehicles are doing 24 mph or less. A default that half the drivers aren't keeping to has a credibility problem in itself. And when communities did push back, what happens? In Carmarthenshire, the council received 1,604 submissions from the general public. One hundred and fifty stretches of road were reviewed, and only 11 of those actually made it back to 30 mph. Then there's the cost. The Government's own appraisal level predicted a net benefit. It estimated the cost of slower journeys at £6.35 billion over 30 years. And after counting every road safety, active travel and environmental benefit, its central estimate was still minus £4.5 billion. Now to the Government. Plaid Cymru did not merely inherit this policy, you promised it and co-opted it. You promised it in your 2021 manifesto. You voted for it in 2022. Then, this May, you asked for a mandate to govern without a word about the default in your manifesto. At Reform, our manifesto is clear. Restore 30 mph as the default, keep 20 mph where it's generally needed outside schools and hospitals and on clearly defined residential streets, with a positive evidence-based case for each one. And invest in fixing dangerous junctions and collision black spots, instead of treating a change of signs as a road safety strategy and a cash cow that you can milk.

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  2. 6. Reform UK Debate: Default 20 mph speed limit en

    Thank you. And have evidence-led limits that improve safety without strangling town centres and turning a daily commute into a daily irritation. So, I ask the Deputy Minister for three things: publish the updated economic appraisal, give this Chamber firm dates for the evaluation, and commit to the Chamber today that if that comes back and it doesn't justify a national default, it goes. That's it—it goes.

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  1. 2. Questions to the First Minister cy

    5. Pa gamau mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i gynyddu'r defnydd o agregau o ansawdd uchel, wedi'u hailgylchu a'u golchi, mewn prosiectau adeiladu ledled Cymru? OQ64610

    Official English translation

    5. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to increase the use of high-quality washed recycled aggregates in construction projects across Wales? OQ64610

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  2. 2. Questions to the First Minister en

    Thank you, First Minister. Wales does need a secure long-term supply of aggregates if we are to deliver the homes, schools, and transport infrastructure our communities need. The Welsh Government has long said that the use of secondary and recycled materials should be maximised where practicable, and high-quality washed recycled aggregates allow us to do exactly that, turning construction and demolition waste into material that meets the same standards as quarried stone and sand, reducing pressure on primary extraction and on marine dredged sand, and cutting carbon all along the way, which is good. There appears, however, to be a disconnect between Wales's circular economy ambitions and public sector procurement in practice at the moment. We have seen local authority works taking place directly outside a recycling plant in Cwmgwili, where virgin aggregate was sourced from a quarry 20 miles away, rather than using the actual aggregate that was at that plant, which seems ridiculous. We now need action, not words. So, First Minister, what further steps will Welsh Government take through procurement, planning and its own capital programmes to increase the use of washed recycled aggregates in construction projects in Wales?

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  1. 3. Business Statement and Announcement en

    I'm raising this as an MS for Carmarthenshire, but I need to declare that I am also the Chair of the Local Government, Housing and Planning Committee. Trefnydd, can I ask for a statement from the Welsh Government on nutrient neutrality and its impact on housing delivery in west Wales? Following Natural Resources Wales's marine assessment and subsequent planning advice to councils last year, social and affordable housing schemes across Carmarthenshire and Pembrokeshire face significant delays. I have been contacted by one contractor who builds almost exclusively for affordable social housing, and he has an order book of £30 million-worth of secured work that has now stalled. Its turnover has halved, it supports approximately 80 staff and 320 subcontractors, from groundworkers and bricklayers through to merchants, plant hire firms and delivery drivers. Everyone accepts in this Chamber the need to protect our rivers and estuaries, but nutrient pollution comes from a wide range of sources across whole catchment areas. These delays are affecting both families waiting for homes and the firms ready to build them. So, can we have a statement on what has replaced the marine nitrates development taskforce, what further mitigation measures are being considered, and when these housing schemes can realistically move forward? Thank you.

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  1. 1. Questions to the Trefnydd, Chief Whip and Cabinet Minister for Culture and Sport en

    I'd like to start by saying thank you to the Member for raising the question, and apologise because I think it's in the same vein. But Minister, the Welsh Rugby Union recently wrote to me and told me why it is cutting four professional clubs to three. What it has not told me in that letter is why the metric used differs from one part of Wales to another. In the east and the capital, geography settled it, quite clearly. Cardiff and Newport were each given their own licence area, and the incumbents were confirmed. No competition, no scoring, no test of merit. The WRU's own letter to me confirms that the factors weighted most heavily there were population, accessibility and infrastructure. Performance and pathways came second. So, in summary, geography decided two of the licences, and merit was only demanded in determining the third spot. The most damning indictment of this decision in that correspondence is that the two clubs already chosen are our worst performing with regard to silverware, and the two being asked to fight out the remaining spot, the Scarlets and the Ospreys, are the two most successful clubs in the modern Welsh rugby era. If, as the WRU state, the intention of this exercise is to ensure that Welsh rugby is once again a force in the game at regional and international levels, then it is quite at odds with the fact that the two clubs being asked to determine their eligibility for the third spot have produced more internationals than either Cardiff or Newport. So, will the Cabinet Secretary join me in calling for the WRU to finally publish the evidence and the scoring decisions that have brought us to this stage?

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  1. 1. Questions to the First Minister cy

    8. Beth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i gefnogi busnesau bach a chanolig yn Sir Gaerfyrddin? OQ64424

    Official English translation

    8. What is the Welsh Government doing to support small and medium-sized businesses in Carmarthenshire? OQ64424

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  2. 1. Questions to the First Minister en

    Diolch, First Minister. I recently spoke to owners of haulage businesses in my constituency, who tell me that it costs around £3,000 to get a driver their HGV licence for a job that can actually pay up to £50,000 a year, yet they still cannot recruit and retain drivers. They have a practical proposal: a Welsh Government loan to cover that licence cost, repaid by the driver once they're earning. In effect, an income-contingent loan that would cost the taxpayer next to nothing in the long run. England currently offers free HGV skills boot camps, but Wales does not. And here's a wider point as well: after net migration hit a record 944,000 in 2023, justified as filling labour shortages, these Carmarthenshire businesses still can't find enough drivers. Now, I'm sure I'm going to hear the word 'Brexit' being fired from a cannon over there any second, but having spoken to these people, they tell me that it's not Brexit, it's the prohibitive cost of the licence that drivers and hauliers state is the real obstacle here. So, would you commit today to examining at least an income-contingent loan scheme for HGV licences and support these businesses to drive Wales's economy forward?

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  1. 1. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Enterprise, Connectivity and Energy cy

    4. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i gefnogi twristiaeth yn Sir Gaerfyrddin? OQ64310

    Official English translation

    4. What action is the Welsh Government taking to support tourism in Sir Gaerfyrddin? OQ64310

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  2. 1. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Enterprise, Connectivity and Energy en

    Diolch, Minister. A constituent has contacted me recently outlining an extremely challenging financial position their family-run tourism business is currently facing, placing its future at serious risk of closing down. They previously secured a loan to support improvements aimed at enhancing the customer experience and visitor experience, and strengthening local tourism, however, a further application for a grant from Carmarthenshire County Council was unsuccessful as it did not meet the criteria of creating a new full-time job, despite the project's role in safeguarding existing employment. The owners currently pay themselves just over £1,000 a month as they prioritise reinvesting their income to sustain operations. Their monthly financial commitments are significant and are outweighed by their incoming funds. In addition, bookings have fallen by approximately 30 per cent year on year. This decline reflects a combination of factors, including rising fuel costs, cost-of-living pressures, policy uncertainty and concerns among visitors about travel conditions in Wales, such as fuel availability, the impact of the 20 mph speed limit on journey times and potential penalties. So, Minister, what reassurance can you give local businesses such as these that this Government is on their side?

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  3. 7. Reform UK Debate: Nation of Sanctuary en

    I'm fully supporting this motion by Reform, and I'm going to give my rationale, as well as my own back story, to outline why I believe that. My parents were immigrants, I'm an immigrant. I was born in Baden, Aargau, Switzerland, in 1964. My parents left southern Italy and, along with thousands of Europeans, settled in Switzerland in the early 1960s as that Government sought to boost its economy and its infrastructure. My parents went as economic migrants, escaping the poverty of southern Italy at that time, in the hope of finding a home and being able to raise and start a family. All these people were admitted into the cantons of Switzerland, but were subject to rigorous checks and conditions based on where they were arriving from, as well as what skill sets they had and how they could contribute and integrate into those societies. Each family was issued with a family book, which carried the family's names and details, as well as a summary of the conditions of the Swiss Government for residents there. Following that period and the influx into Wales by lots of Italians, my parents applied to come to Wales—again, as economic migrants—through the normal route. My father applied and was subsequently interviewed by the police and Home Office representatives and issued with an ID card in 1970, setting out the conditions for his and our stay in this country. He was required to carry this card at all times and produce it if and when requested by the police or any Home Office officials. My parents were also subject to further checks and vetting, which they both welcomed. It told them that this country that they were entering was a safe country that protected its people. Once here, my parents were not offered housing or any other benefits, no allowances or funds to assimilate into society, nor language classes—and nor were they expecting it. They had made a clear choice to seek a better life where they could contribute and call somewhere their home. My parents, especially my father, believed in making their own way in this world. He'd lost his father and mother when he was 14 years old. He believed that, if he had made a decision to come here, he was responsible, ultimately, for his own actions and to be able to support his own family. Now, on to the salient point that I want to make: the nation of sanctuary project, whilst admirable in its ability to potentially identify and help people fleeing war zones, has somehow become a welcome banner for anyone wishing to come into the country. It is the very drain on our resources that my parents and others wanted to protect that is being used and being diverted from the most needy people and services in our society. Defenders of the nation of sanctuary will point to it as being small change. At the last count, it was £64 million, as if it's loose change that has suddenly been found down the back of the sofa. But every pound spent on an illegal immigrant who has come here simply to claim a better economic lifestyle, without contributing to the Welsh economy, is a pound that cannot be spent on the elderly, infirm, disadvantaged and homeless people of Wales. [Interruption.] I'm sorry, but respectfully, I'm going to carry on. It's quite a personal tale of my parents, so I'm just going to carry on here. Not to mention the services that require more funding, which are at breaking point. I constantly hear the shouts of 'racist', which is nothing more than an intentional slur intended to close down a proper discussion around what my constituents and I are clearly saying is a major issue for them, as they struggle with the rising costs and failing services. And let's be very clear, I know what racism is. I didn't stand in a picket line, I didn't get a briefing on it, I didn't go to an online class. I suffered it. My parents suffered it. I watched as people racially abused my mother and father and mocked them because they couldn't speak proper English. We've got to move away from this. Mine is a lived experience, and I'm sure it was for other people in this Chamber. It was uncomfortable, sometimes very daunting, but my parents were always content and secure, and that was because they knew that all the vetting that they'd gone through wasn't simply to check their background and suitability. It was to allow them and others in this country the reassurance that we hadn't allowed people to be in this country who weren't meant to be here. This policy banner of nation of sanctuary brings stress onto our economy that is not sustainable, as well as placing the people of Wales at risk from people who may—may—wish us harm, and criminals who have not been checked prior to resettlement in Wales. The nation of sanctuary has become the landing light that's been left on by the home owner. Unfortunately, by publicising it so strongly, the Welsh Government have also made the conscious decision to go downstairs and leave the front door open for everybody. The first obligation of any country is to make sure the welfare and the safety of its people are protected. I believe that, currently, this Government fails on that simple obligation. For that reason, I fully support the Reform motion today. Diolch.

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  1. 1. Questions to the Trefnydd, Chief Whip and Cabinet Minister for Culture and Sport en

    7. Pa gamau y mae'r Gweinidog Cabinet yn eu cymryd i ddiogelu dyfodol chwaraeon ar lawr gwlad? OQ64216

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  2. 1. Questions to the Trefnydd, Chief Whip and Cabinet Minister for Culture and Sport en

    Can I thank the Minister for her answer? As the Minister will be aware, under the current Welsh Rugby Union proposals, a regional team may be removed from the current regional set up in the future. The Scarlets rugby club in Llanelli represents a major force in creating, developing and nurturing grass-roots rugby in the west Wales area due to their links with the communities, the town, as well as being a globally recognised brand, with over 150 years of heritage. And it is this unique brand that drives the aspiration for youngsters in the area to enter into entry-level grass-roots rugby, from under 8 onwards. The loss of this club would ensure a weakened development pathway for young players who actually dream of pulling on that famous scarlet shirt, and it would ultimately result in reduced community engagement and a centralisation of elite rugby away from west Wales, which will lead to falling participation, a lack of funding involvement, and harm grass-roots development. So, Minister, what discussions, if any, are you or your Government members having with the Welsh Rugby Union to ensure that regional rugby is protected and that we can ensure the continued investment in local rugby clubs and facilities that ensures our kids can aspire to dream?

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  1. 1. Questions to the First Minister cy

    5. Beth yw strategaeth Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer adfywio'r stryd fawr a chynyddu nifer yr ymwelwyr i fusnesau lleol? OQ64232

    Official English translation

    5. What is the Welsh Government's strategy for regenerating high streets and increasing footfall for local businesses? OQ64232

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  2. 1. Questions to the First Minister en

    Thank you, First Minister. As you know, I'm an MS for Carmarthenshire. I've witnessed the long-term decline of Llanelli town centre, driven by a combination of socioeconomic and retail challenges. The loss of traditional industries in the town has reduced local employment opportunities and weakened the spending power within the community. At the same time, the growth of out-of-town retail parks has exacerbated the problem, offering free parking and larger stores, which have drawn shoppers away from the town centre. Several retailers have also closed their town-centre branches. This is compounded by antisocial behaviour and crime, which have further affected the town's attractiveness to residents, businesses and visitors. Changing consumer habits have also played a vital role, with people choosing online shopping over the high street. As a result, vacancy rates in the town have risen sharply. A retail survey conducted in 2023 found 83 of Llanelli's 214 stores or retail units vacant, representing a vacancy rate of 38 per cent. While regeneration projects are under way, progress has been very slow. Therefore, my question to you, First Minister, is this: what will this Government do to address these challenges, strengthen its current strategy and deliver safer, stronger and more economically viable town centres for communities such as Llanelli, given that the county council is a Plaid-led council?

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  1. 7. Reform UK Debate: Statutory register for lobbyists en

    Diolch, Deputy Llywydd. I support this proposal by Llŷr Powell fully. I became a councillor and more recently accepted the privilege of serving as an MS to serve the people of Wales, and to help shape as well as make our politics more accountable. Over time, I have watched politics drift away from the clarity and transparency that should define public service. It's no wonder that the electorate has begun to lose faith in us as a political class. For me, nothing reflects that loss of trust more clearly than the growing number of people who chose not to vote recently. They're not disengaged because they don't care; they're disengaged because they believe that we no longer act in their best interests, which brings me to this debate around creating a register of lobbyists. As was pointed out to me recently, we are the only Government in the UK that does not have a lobby register, but yesterday I listened intently to arguments from the Government in favour of devolving justice and policing on the basis that Wales is the only nation without those powers. If that argument is strong enough to justify major constitutional change with all the additional cost it brings, then surely it's strong enough to justify something as simple and straightforward as creating this register. Otherwise, I believe we risk being selective about when we use comparisons with the rest of the UK as a rationale for any sort of action. So, let's be clear: the people of Wales aren't asking us to split the atom or send a rocket into space; they're simply asking for something simpler—accountability and openness from us. They want to know who we meet, why we meet them, and how those interactions shape the decisions that are made in this Chamber—the Chamber that exists for them, a Chamber that serves them—and decisions that will ultimately affect their lives. So, in summary, can I just say, today, let's collectively show the people of Wales that we are serious about rebuilding their trust? Let's support the creation of this register so that our constituents can see clearly who we engage with and for what purpose. This is our chance to take that first but significant step towards rebuilding public confidence in Welsh politics and democracy. Diolch.

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1

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  1. 2. Questions to the Cabinet Minister for Rural Resilience and Sustainability en

    Minister, in my constituency of Carmarthenshire, Brynteg farm is the only dedicated educational, additional learning needs and animal-assisted therapy provider in Carmarthenshire, serving children and adults both in Carmarthenshire and also the wider area of Swansea. The exceptional unique work and environment they provide is not a conventional agricultural or, indeed, leisure activity. It is a specialist social, educational and therapeutic provision for some of the most vulnerable children and adults in our community. This farm is their sanctuary, their place of safety and a critical part of their future well-being and development. Despite this, a decision was taken some time back to allow a 28-acre solar farm development to be parked up right up against the farm. This will ultimately mean that the noise and disturbance from construction and the subsequent operational noise generated by those inverters will mean that Brynteg farm will ultimately be forced to close down, leading to the loss of the only provider in Carmarthenshire of such an exemplary service. Numerous statements I heard yesterday were made by the Government about engaging with communities and listening, going forward, so what I'd like to know is what assurances will the Minister give us, going forward, that communities will not be ignored and that when they tell us time and again that they don't want these developments, we start to listen. Thank you.

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Roll-call divisions, by sitting day

70 recorded votes. Official division result.

For
34
Against
33
Abstain
3
Did not vote
0

Counted by Siambr: a sum of the official division rows.

For Against Abstain Unlit desk: did not vote

3 divisions

Members' Legislative Debate under Standing Order 11.21(iv): An NHS first Bill

  1. Motion Abstain Agreed

Reform UK Debate: Prostate cancer strategy

  1. Motion For Agreed

Welsh Labour Debate: The M4 around Newport

  1. Motion For Agreed
3 divisions

Reform UK Debate: Local referendums on council tax rises

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  3. Motion as amended Against Agreed
6 divisions

Reform UK Debate: Regional rugby

  1. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Not agreed
  2. Motion For Not agreed

Reform UK Debate: Access to HMOs and social housing for foreign nationals

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan a Lynne Neagle Against Agreed
  3. Motion as amended Against Agreed

Member Debate under Standing Order 11.21(iv): Family Drug and Alcohol Courts

  1. Motion For Agreed
1 division

Debate: Fiscal Reform

  1. Motion Against Agreed
4 divisions

Reform UK Debate: Default 20 mph speed limit

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  3. Motion as amended Against Agreed

Welsh Conservatives Debate: The defence sector

  1. Motion For Agreed
5 divisions

Reform UK Debate: Wales and the United Kingdom

  1. Amendment 2tabled in the name of Lynne Neagle Against Not agreed
  2. Motion as amended Against Agreed
  3. Motion For Not agreed
  4. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed

Welsh Labour Debate: Further education

  1. Motion For Agreed
10 divisions

Reform UK Debate: Grooming gangs

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  3. Amendment 2tabled in the name of Paul Davies For Not agreed
  4. Motion as amended Abstain Agreed

Reform UK Debate: Cwm Taf Morgannwg University Health Board health visitor pay dispute

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  3. Amendment 2tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Not agreed
  4. Amendment 4tabled in the name of Lynne Neagle For Agreed
  5. Motion as amended For Not agreed
  6. Amendment 3tabled in the name of Paul Davies For Not agreed
5 divisions

Welsh Conservatives Debate: Deposit-return scheme

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  3. Motion as amended Against Agreed

Reform UK Debate: Bovine TB

  1. Motion For Agreed

Member Debate under Standing Order 11.21(iv): Young people and employment

  1. Motion Against Agreed
2 divisions

Legislative Consent Motion: Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill

  1. Motion For Agreed

Debate: The First Supplementary Budget 2026-27

  1. Motion Against Not agreed
4 divisions

Member Debate under Standing Order 11.21(iv): Ophthalmology services

  1. Motion For Agreed

Reform UK Debate: The tourism sector

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  3. Motion as amended Against Agreed
4 divisions

Debate: Fair Funding

  1. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Lynne Neagle Against Not agreed
  2. Amendment 2tabled in the name of Llŷr Powell For Not agreed
  3. Amendment 3tabled in the name of Paul Davies Against Not agreed
  4. Motion Against Not agreed
4 divisions

Reform UK Debate: Nation of Sanctuary

  1. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  2. Motion as amended Against Agreed
  3. Motion For Not agreed

Welsh Labour Debate: Funding for additional learning needs in the first Supplementary Budget 2026-27

  1. Motion For Agreed
10 divisions

Welsh Conservatives Debate: Hospital services and hospital closures

  1. Motion Against Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Not agreed
  3. Amendment 2tabled in the name of Lynne Neagle For Agreed
  4. Amendment 3tabled in the name of Llŷr Powell For Agreed
  5. Amendment 4tabled in the name of Lynne Neagle Against Not agreed
  6. Motion as amended For Agreed

Reform UK Debate: A Welsh Rivers Act

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Not agreed
  3. Amendment 3tabled in the name of Paul Davies For Not agreed
  4. Amendment 2tabled in the name of Lynne Neagle Against Not agreed
4 divisions

Reform UK Debate: Government international spending

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  3. Motion as amended Against Agreed

Reform UK Debate: Statutory register for lobbyists

  1. Motion For Agreed
5 divisions

Reform UK Debate: Childcare offer

  1. Motion For Not agreed
  2. Amendment 1tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan Against Agreed
  3. Amendment 2tabled in the name of Lynne Neagle For Agreed
  4. Motion as amended For Agreed

Welsh Labour Debate: School support staff negotiating body

  1. Motion Abstain Agreed